This article examines the meaning of local contexts in the formation of young adults’ life trajectories and horizons of opportunities in southern Stockholm. Our investigation draws on latent class analysis (LCA) of people aged 25–59 years, which reveals typical latent life courses among the individuals. The local setting mapped with typical life courses is interpreted as an indication of habitus, further examined in interviews with young adults 17 to 19 years old and about to finish upper secondary school who actively consider different life plans. By combining Bourdieu's and Wacquant's social theories with Massey's conceptualization of space and place, our analysis illuminates four spatial processes of habitus formation: (1) broader social structures, where southern Stockholm is polarized in accordance with affluence and vulnerability; (2) symbolic images and perceptions that make school locations attractive or invisible; (3) young adults’ meetings and non-meetings-up that take place within and in between school, home and leisure activities; and (4) the different ‘layers’ of local settings, where social networks are interlinked differently to national organizations and institutions and provide young people with different horizons of opportunity. The combination of theories facilitates a mixed-methods approach that contributes to neighbourhood studies by uncovering multiple ways ‘place’ is embedded in the formation of trajectories.

There are few reasons to believe that social segregation is restricted to the working age population. Still, attempts to analyse social segregation among old age individuals have been lacking. The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to explore the extent to which old age individuals who follow different sociodemographic trajectories are geographically segregated. We analyse residential segregation among older age adults, based on an identification of typical sociodemographic life courses in longitudinal, geo-coded, register data for three life phases: young old, 65-79 years, middle old, 75-89 years and, oldest old, 85-99 years. The results show great life-course heterogeneity in these age groups. In each life phase, we distinguish seven different trajectory types that also display distinct geographical patterns. The first group of trajectories is characterized by a high proportion of married individuals with high income concentrated in suburban, single-family housing areas. The second group consists of trajectories with many widows/widowers in small-scale, apartment areas. The third group consists of singleton trajectories in metropolitan areas. The fourth group is overrepresented in low-income areas and consists of trajectories including individuals of nonsurvival in the life phase. The fifth group is composed of trajectories with married or widowed low-income individuals in owner-occupied areas mainly found in rural areas. Thus, there is pronounced geographical variation in what type of neighbourhood life old age individuals live. This indicates that social segregation in the old age population deserves to be given more attention in geographical research.

Background. Drug use Disorder (DUD), the risk for which is substantially influenced by both genetic and social factors, is geographically concentrated in high-risk regions. An important step toward understanding this pattern is to examine geographical distributions of the genetic liability to DUD and a key demographic risk factor – social deprivation.

Methods. We calculated the mean family genetic risk score (FGRS) for DUD ((FGRS_DUD) and social deprivation for each of the 5983 areas Demographic Statistical Areas (DeSO) for all of Sweden and used geospatial techniques to analyze and map these factors.

Results. Using 2018 data, substantial spatial heterogeneity was seen in the distribution of the genetic risk for DUD in Sweden as a whole and in its three major urban centers which was confirmed by hot-spot analyses. Across DeSOs, FGRS_DUD and ꜱ.ᴅ. levels were substantially but imperfectly correlated (r = + 0.63), with more scattering at higher FGRS_DUD and ꜱ.ᴅ. scores. Joint mapping across DeSOs for FGRS_DUD and ꜱ.ᴅ. revealed a diversity of patterns across Sweden. The stability of the distributions of FGRS_DUD and ꜱ.ᴅ. in DeSOs within Sweden over the years 2012–2018 was quite high.

Conclusions. The geographical distribution of the genetic risk to DUD is quite variable in Sweden. DeSO levels of ꜱ.ᴅ. and FRGS_DUD were substantially correlated but also disassociated in a number of regions. The observed patterns were largely consistent with known trends in the human geography of Sweden. This effort lays the groundwork for further studies of the sources of geographic variation in rates of DUD.

Studies of neighbourhood effects typically measure the neighbourhood context at one specific spatial scale. It is increasingly acknowledged, however, that the mechanisms through which the residential context affects individual outcomes may operate at different spatial scales, ranging from the very immediate environment to the metropolitan region. We take a multi-scale approach to investigate the extent to which concentrated poverty in adolescence is related to obtained education level and income later in life, by measuring the residential context as bespoke neighbourhoods at five geographical scales that range from areas encompassing the 200 nearest neighbours to areas that include the 200k+ nearest neighbours. We use individual-level geocoded longitudinal register data from Sweden and the Netherlands to follow 15/16-year-olds until they are 30 years old. The findings show that the contextual effects on education are very similar in both countries. Living in a poor area as a teenager is related to a lower obtained educational level when people are in their late 20s. This relationship, however, is stronger for lower spatial scales. We also find effects of contextual poverty on income in both countries. Overall, this effect is stronger in the Netherlands than in Sweden. Partly, this is related to differences in spatial structure. If only individuals in densely populated areas in Sweden are considered, effects on income are similar across the two countries and income effects are more stable across spatial scales. Overall, we find important evidence that the scalar properties of neighbourhood effects differ across life-course outcomes.

In this paper we analyse spatial and temporal variation in the risk of intensive care unit (ICU) admission for COVID-19 in Sweden. The analysis is based on geocoded and time-stamped data from the Swedish Intensive Care Registry (SIR). We merge this data with a classification of Swedish neighbourhood cluster types constructed from multi-scalar measures of socio-economic and country of birth segregation (Kawalerowicz and Malmberg in Multiscalar typology of residential areas in Sweden, 2021 available from https://doi.org/10.17045/sthlmuni.14753826.v1). We examine 1) if residence in more socio-economically deprived or diverse neighbourhood cluster types was associated with a higher risk of ICU admission for COVID-19, 2) if residence in more affluent neighbourhoods was associated with a lower risk of ICU admission for COVID-19, and 3) how these patterns changed over time during the three first waves of the pandemic. While the highest overall risk was associated with residence in urban disadvantage coupled with diversity, models where neighbourhood cluster types were interacted with waves reveal that the highest risk was associated with living in a neighbourhood cluster type characterised by rural town disadvantage coupled with diversity under the 3rd wave (February 2021–June 2021). Residence in such a neighbourhood cluster type was associated with a four times higher risk of ICU admission, compared to the reference category of living in a homogeneous rural neighbourhood cluster type with average levels of deprivation under wave 1. Looking at disparities within each wave we found that residence in most affluent urban areas was at first associated with a slightly higher risk of ICU admission for COVID-19 as compared with the reference category of living in a homogeneous rural neighbourhood cluster type, but under waves 2 and 3 this risk was no longer statistically significant. The largest inequalities between different neighbourhood cluster types could be seen during the 1st wave. Over time, the risks converged between different neighbourhood cluster types.

This article explores typical life-course trajectories based on annual observations of educational participation, employment, and establishing a family from age sixteen to age thirty. Using latent class analysis, we identify seven different trajectory classes that capture the different life courses experienced by individuals born in 1986. Examples of trajectory classes are (1) an early partner and childbearing trajectory; (2) a trajectory that mixes employment and a long postsecondary education into the later twenties; and (3) a trajectory involving low activity, very little employment, very little postsecondary education, and not starting a family. The classes identified correspond closely to trajectories found in earlier qualitative studies using life-history interviews, but in contrast to these studies that each encompass a few dozen individuals or less, our approach identifies trajectories for the individuals of an entire birth cohort. This allows for analysis of the geographical distribution of trajectories across regions, municipality types, and neighborhoods. Individuals following long postsecondary education trajectories were heavily concentrated in metropolitan areas and university towns. At the same age, individuals following early childbearing trajectories were concentrated instead in peripheral, rural areas. Individuals from nonmetropolitan areas also tend to follow more gender-polarized trajectories. Moreover, we find that there is more trajectory-based segregation at age thirty than at age fifteen. Theoretically, our study gives support to the idea that places are structured on the basis of life-course trajectories. Local context influences how individuals are linked into different trajectories and, at the same time, the spatial sorting of trajectories will shape local contexts. 

基于对16至30岁群体的教育、就业和组建家庭的年际观察, 本文探索了典型人生轨迹。通过潜在类型分析, 我们确定七个类型的轨迹, 记录了1986年出生群体的不同生活历程。轨迹类型包括：（1）早期伴侣和生育轨迹；（2）20至29岁后期的就业和长期大学教育轨迹；（3）低活力、非常少的就业、非常低的大学教育水平、未组建家庭。这些类型, 与基于生活史采访的早期定性研究确定的轨迹, 密切对应。但是, 与数十人或更少的研究相比, 我们确定了整个同龄群体的个人轨迹。这使得我们能分析跨区域、跨城市类型和跨社区的轨迹地理分布。拥有长期大学教育轨迹的个人, 主要集中在大都市和大学城。在同一年龄段, 拥有早期生育轨迹的个人, 集中在周边农村地区。来自非大都市地区的个人轨迹, 在性别上更加极化。此外, 30岁比15岁有更高的轨迹隔离程度。从理论上讲, 我们的研究支持了这样一种观点：场所的构建是基于生活历程轨迹。局部环境影响了个人如何关联到不同的轨迹。同时, 轨迹的空间排序能塑造局部环境。 

Este artículo explora las trayectorias típicas del curso de la vida basadas en observaciones anuales de la participación educativa, el empleo y el establecimiento de una familia desde los dieciséis hasta los treinta años. Usando el análisis de clases latentes, identificamos siete diferentes clases de trayectorias que captan los diferentes cursos de la vida experimentados por los individuos nacidos en 1986. Ejemplos de clases de trayectorias son (1) una trayectoria de pareja y maternidad temprana; (2) una trayectoria que mezcla el empleo con una larga educación postsecundaria hasta finales de los veinte; y (3) una trayectoria en la que se incluye poca actividad, muy poco empleo, muy poca educación postsecundaria y la ausencia de formar una familia. Las clases identificadas corresponden estrechamente con las trayectorias halladas en estudios cualitativos anteriores que aplicaron entrevistas relacionadas con historias de vida, pero en contraste con estos estudios, cada uno de los cuales abarca unas pocas docenas de individuos o menos, nuestro enfoque identifica trayectorias de los individuos de toda una cohorte de nacimientos. Esto permite el análisis de la distribución geográfica de las trayectorias a través de las regiones, tipos de municipalidades y vecindarios. Los individuos que discurrieron largas trayectorias de educación postsecundaria aparecieron altamente concentrados en áreas metropolitanas y ciudades universitarias. Con la misma edad, los individuos que siguieron trayectorias de maternidad temprana se concentraron, por el contrario, en áreas periféricas y rurales. Los individuos de áreas no metropolitanas registraron también trayectorias más polarizadas por género. Aún más, encontramos que hay una mayor tendencia a la trayectoria basada en segregación a la edad de treinta que a la de quince años. Teóricamente, nuestro estudio proporciona soporte a la idea de que los lugares se estructuran con base en las trayectorias vitales. El contexto local influye el modo como los individuos se vinculan a diferentes trayectorias y, al mismo tiempo, la ordenación espacial de las trayectorias configura los contextos locales. 

Mathematics was the cornerstone of the Industrial Revolution. A new paradigm of measurement and calculation, more than scientific discovery, built industry, modernity, and the world we inhabit today.

This paper argues that population age structure plays a significant role alongside institutional, technological, political, and cultural factors when it comes to explaining shifts in urban, regional and national economic development. The paper demonstrates how demographic transitions lead to changes in population age structure which in turn correlate with global shifts in economic development from 1950 onwards. It then analyzes the role of population age structure at the sub-national level by reviewing some prominent cases of regional and urban shifts in Western Europe and North America. Population size, population density and migration have always been an integrated part of economic geography, and the consequences of ageing in national and regional economies are increasingly being studied. The specific role of population age structure as a driver of economic development has, however, so far largely been ignored in the field.

The purpose of this study is to compare socioeconomic segregation patterns and levels in Brussels, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Oslo, and Stockholm with uniform measurements. Previous research has been hampered by conceptual and methodological shortcomings. We use harmonized datasets containing geocoded indicators based on a nearest-neighbors approach. Our analyses offer an unprecedented comparison of patterns and levels of socio-spatial inequalities in European capitals at multiple scales. Using maps, segregation indices and percentile plots, we find that for all cities, the segregation of the rich is much stronger than the segregation of the poor. Macro-scale poverty segregation is most prominent in Stockholm and Brussels, and quite low in Amsterdam, while macro-scale affluence segregation is most pronounced in Oslo. At micro-scales, Brussels and Stockholm stand out with very high local poverty concentrations, indicating high levels of polarization. We interpret differences in the light of spatial inequalities, welfare regimes, housing systems, migration and area-based interventions.

We examine the 'overlap' or to which degree tenure form patterns are similar to socio-economic segregation patterns. The issue has been discussed concerning mixing policies; does mixing of tenure hinder socio-economic segregation? If mixing tenure is to be an effective policy against segregation, the overlap has to be understood. Using Swedish register data, we cross tenure-type landscapes with patterns of high/mixed/low-income and with European/non-European/Swedish-born. To what degree is there overlap among tenure, income and country of birth? Is the overlap related to geographical scale and polarization? Is the overlap of tenure forms with socio-economic characteristics consistent across regions? We find strong overlap of large-scale cooperative tenure landscapes with very high incomes as well as with Swedish-born. Small-scale tenure-landscapes provide mixing opportunities for incomes wherever they are located; however, these landscapes have a small non-Swedish-born population nearby. Some tenure-type landscapes vary in characteristics depending on location; e.g. public rental concentrated areas are high-income in urban cores but low-income in urban peripheries.