Entrepreneurship is by many recognized as a solution to environmental and social challenges of today’s society. However, it has also been criticized since it may maintain the capitalistic demands of growth and efficiency in an unsustainable way. In this paper we like to challenge the current conception of entrepreneurship that aim for societal change by tracing what, how, where and with whom such entrepreneurship is performed. Further, we take inspiration from the idea of diverse economy by Gibson-Graham and introduce the concept of alternative entrepreneurship to explore how it takes shape, change its contours and both challenges and propels contemporary capitalism. In this chapter we present three ethnographic cases unfolding diverse entrepreneurial activities: 1) the case of Oria, who contributes to social justice through fair trade; 2) the case of artisan food producers who contribute to biological diversity and a rural livelihood; and 3) the case of the DiE project//NEEM NGO, that contributes to social inclusion through entrepreneurial empowerment and the development of a micro credit program. We find that the alternative entrepreneurs are not constrained by organizational forms or by a limited number of economic and non-economic activities as to target societal challenges. The alternative entrepreneurs move between different organizational forms such as non-profit and for profit, as well as, undertaking business and voluntary practices to achieve societal change. Finally, we conclude that the ethnographic tracing of alternative entrepreneurship, allowing previously unsighted activities become visible, also creatively destroy the overly-narrow conception of entrepreneurship. 

Purpose – The aim of this study is to understand how artisanal food entrepreneurs acting as businesses,which are grounded in the logic of profit and growth, navigate the anti-growth constraints of artisanal logic.The study answers the research question of, how and when do the artisanal entrepreneurs respond to tensionsbetween the small-scale craftsmanship logic and the business growth logic?

Design/methodology/approach – This study consists of two cases of artisanal food entrepreneurs situatedin rural regions of Sweden. The empirical material is collected through interviews, observations and secondarysources. The analysis consists of two steps: a narrative analysis and a categorization of institutional logicsusing Pache and Santos (2013) framework.

Findings – Our findings show that the artisanal food entrepreneurs used several types of response to thetensions between the two institutional logics. As businesses grew, business growth logic increasinglypenetrated the companies’ operations. They responded by combining and blending the two logics and avoidedgrowing too large themselves by collaborating with suppliers and local farmers. In addition, other activitiesneeded to be compartmentalized and hidden since these activities could threaten their business images andtheir own criteria for small-scale food artisans.

Originality/value – Much work on how different institutional logics affect businesses have been on astructural level. This study answers the call on that more research is needed on an individual level by studyinghow individuals interpret logics and use them in their business activities

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to offer an integrative model of foreign market learning, including different learning processes, antecedents and outcomes. Design/methodology/approach - The paper makes a critical review of the relevant literature, drawing on a keywords-based search of three major databases and a range of other published work for a broader perspective on the subject. Findings - The resulting integrative model shows in a number of ways how companies can learn and benefit from differences in foreign markets and what results this can lead to. Research limitations/implications - The sample of subject-specific contributions to the literature may have been insufficient, and a wider selection of keywords to identify them might have captured a richer variety of concepts and opinions. Originality/value - The integrative model contributes to the literature on foreign market learning and innovation and serves as a basis for future studies and current management strategy.

Purpose Community-based social enterprises (CBSEs), a spatially defined subset of social enterprise, are independent, not-for-profit organisations managed by community members and committed to delivering long-term benefits to local people. CBSEs respond to austerity and policy reforms by providing services, jobs and other amenities for residents in deprived communities, thus contributing to neighbourhood regeneration. This paper aims to develop a better understanding of how CBSEs perceive accountability, how they apply it in the management and representation of their business and why. Design/methodology/approach Nine case studies of CBSEs across three European countries (England, the Netherlands and Sweden) are analysed, using data from semi-structured interviews with initiators, board members and volunteers in CBSEs. Findings CBSEs shape accountability and representation in response to the needs of local communities and in the wake of day-to-day challenges and opportunities. Apart from financial reporting, CBSEs apply informal strategies of accountability which are highly embedded in their way of working and contingent upon their limited resources. Originality/value Although research has shown the complex governance position of CBSEs, their application of accountability to target communities and other stakeholders is unclear. The paper coins the term adaptive accountability, reflecting a relational, dialectic approach in which formal, costly accountability methods are only applied to legally required forms of accounting, and informal practices are accepted by funding agencies and governments as valid forms of accountability, assessing CBSEs' societal value in more open terms.

Entrepreneurship nowadays take on new and alternative guises in society; often with the ambition to make the world more resilient in one way or another. We take an interest in this expansion of alternative entrepreneurshipand ask how we can trace the different alternative grassroots forms of entrepreneurship that are initiated for the betterment of society in the Swedish society. 

In this paper we will draw upon three ethnographic cases that are alternative in the sense that a typical prefix is added to describe what they do (solidary, preservative, bridging) and that they seek to turn something (a mission, setting or activity) more entrepreneurial. Further we will develop descriptions of the three cases and engage in an analysis of alternative entrepreneurship by posing the following questions: 

• What is alternative in these cases? 
• How do these forms of entrepreneurship respond to shortcomings in conventional entrepreneurship? 
• What kind of resilience can be discerned?
• What alternative form does this take? 
• How is resilience organized?
• What is the common denominator for these cases?

The focus on entrepreneurship has been seen as a positive economic activity (Tedmanson, Verduijn, Essers & Gartner, 2012), not only bringing about innovations in the business and at the market but also as a way to develop societies (e.g. Berglund, Johannisson & Schwartz, 2012). However, entrepreneurship education in business schools is still mainly related to more conventional forms of entrepreneurship, with a focus on starting a company based on the innovation of a new product or service (Fiet, 2000; Gartner & Vesper, 1994; Gorman, Hanlon & King, 1997; Henry, Hill & Leitch, 2005). Accordingly, students learn how to start a company, find a customer demand and make their company profitable and successful on the market. Not on our course. We aim to give the students a broader awareness of the societal issues that today’s society is facing, frequently caused by the traditional economical reasoning, such as growth and more efficient production processes. The issues that are targeted are pollution, poor working conditions and overconsumption, but also other societal issues more related to integration, and mental health.

Social enterprises, with strong ties to local areas and communities, have been a growing phenomenon in many European countries at least since the financial crisis of 2007-2008 and the resulting retrenchment of state involvement in welfare provision. The paper draws on the empirical findings from nine case studies of community-based social enterprises (CBSE) in three countries which were investigated in depth in our study. Our objective is to use Schumpeter’s work as a lens to assess the effects of social innovation on different aspects of this type of social organisation. Thus, we aim to address the questions: (i) to what extent can CBSEs be considered as a form of social innovation and how does this innovation arise in terms of role, organisation and impact of CBSEs? (ii) What are the similarities and differences between CBSEs in the three selected European countries? And (iii) how far does Schumpeter’s conceptual framework of “creative destruction” provide insights into the process of organisational change in this form of social enterprise? In doing so we identify and discuss a series of innovations in organisation, project selection and delivery and conclude with insights relating to Schumpeter’s theory of “creative destruction”.

In this paper we investigate how small- scale food producers handle the tension between small-scale craftsmanship production and the traditional business growth logic. We use qualitative case method and investigate two farms. Our result shows that growth occurs more in forms of collaborations rather than within an organization. 

An interest in small-scale food production has emerged in many regions of Sweden (Rytkönen, Bonow & Wramner, 2013). The products in specific regions are linked to their origin and authenticity since they stem from a site-specific tradition, e.g. terroir (van Leeuwen, Roby, Pernet and Bois, 2010) that is older than the industrialized food production (Nygård and Wramner, 2103). Related to the idea of terroir is the concept of patrimonisation that has become popular in parts of Europe with a movement of small-scale local food production, getting away from globalization, centralization and industrialization and instead focusing on food without additives and substitutes. Patrimonisation expresses the wish to preserve a rural landscape and traditional food products connected to a local heritage (Gade, 2004). Since local lay knowledge of how to grow food and local food culture have been largely lost, it is through the experience of small-scale food producers, their practical hands-on expertise and adapting expert knowledge to local conditions, that some of the knowledge can be rebuilt (Fonte, 2008). This knowledge is found in our case studies focusing on foreign food entrepreneurs moving to Sweden. The geographical region in which a person is born and raised will permanently influence that person's view of itself and this regional imprint remains when the person moves to a new location (Nygård and Wramner, 2013).

Our research interest is to understand how patromonisation is shaping food entrepreneurs when moved to a different location. 

We have studied two immigrated rural entrepreneurs interested in small-scale food production and community development; the Charcuterie farm entrepreneurs from Germany and the Goat farm entrepreneurs from Switzerland. The charcuterie products are produced by German handcrafted manufacturing methods and given German names but locally produced in Halland, Sweden. So, the locally produced charcuterie is sold with a German geographical identity i.e. terroir since the production is based on the owners self-educated knowledge of the German craftsmanship and quality standards. The regional imprint then remains even when moving to a new location (Nygård and Wramner, 2013). The reason for the owners of the Charcuterie farm to start a charcuterie in Sweden was due to weaker legislation for producing charcuterie and that the Swedish farm prices were very attractive. Attractive prices were also an important reason for the Swiss family to buy a Goat farm in Sweden. The Goat farm is primarily producing goat milk that is sold locally to a Cheese farm that they work closely with. For instance, the cheese farm is offering “genuine Swiss cheese fondue”. The Swiss find it interesting that goat meet is not a delicacy in Sweden and express an interest in making use of the goat meet, instead of what is common in Sweden, discarding it or selling to dog-food producers.