Expressive forms are often associated with certain places or nations, or with certain groups of people categorized by nationality, ethnicity, age, social class or sexual orientation. Since my dissertation on Middle Eastern dance in Stockholm (2010), I have a continued interest in expressive forms in motion. What happens when music and or dance associated with a certain cultural or social context is performed in another setting, or by people without the “correct” origin or identity? Such transferred expressive forms are often criticized and considered as lacking in authenticity, since they are performed in the wrong place, by the wrong people or in the wrong way.  The performances are also judged in relation to notions of naturalness, antiquity and consistency over time. Cultural forms spread from the West to the rest of the world can be criticized for producing uniformity and cultural imperialism. When cultural forms from Africa, Asia or Latin America are adopted by Westerners, the performers are often criticized for cultural appropriation or exotization. This critique is important and may often be justified, given the unequal distribution of power and recourses in the world.  However, there is a weakness in this line of argument, since it rests on the apprehension that cultural forms have “natural” connections to certain people and particular places. Taken too far, this argument contradicts the idea of cultural identities, nationality and ethnicity as social constructions, possible to change. It also contradicts the notion of globalization and the flows of people, information and culture. Regardless if the inspiration goes from the West to “the Rest” or in the opposite direction, cultural forms are most often received in creative ways, mixed and transformed into new, local varieties. These new esthetic expressions may entertain, please or provoke. There may also be further implications, since expressive forms and performances contribute to creating, challenging and recreating communities as well as antagonisms.

Bodily and material aspects of human encounters can be the cause of incomprehension and irritation. Behaviours, movements and clothes that are viewed as polite and correct in one context, may be considered totally wrong in others. This makes it harder to achieve conviviality among people from diverse cultural backgrounds. Using ethnographic examples from Sweden, this presentation focuses attempts to overcome such difficulties and thus pave the way to smooth coexistence. Somali immigrants with no previous schooling have not been successful on the Swedish labor market. They have great difficulties understanding how the Swedish society works and what is expected of them. In integration-project Rätt steg (Right step), illiterate Somali refugees get information about Swedish society and are taught new skills, e.g. the “right” way to greet a person (eye-contact and firm handshake). Participants are told how to raise children in Sweden (do not hit them!). They are also encouraged to exercise more and avoid wearing big headscarves. Bodies and minds are thus adapted to the perceived ideals and norms of Swedish society. The ways of Somali refugees are ascribed almost no value in Sweden. The subordinate position of the participants is obvious to everyone, including the teachers.  Sometimes the participants resist the attempts at changing their behavior. However, since they realize that adaption to the Swedish norms is unavoidable, the vast majority of participants deem the course very valuable.  Mastering the basic codes of Swedish society can lead to greater freedom of action, within very limited conditions. 

Middle Eastern dance classes, courses for jobseekers and an integration project for Somali refugees are examples of how techniques of the body are taught in processes including transmission of attitudes and ideals. There are, however, differences in the participants’ relative power and status.

The aim of the dissertation is to describe and analyze the practice and meaning of Middle Eastern dance through the study of a number of performers in Stockholm. In particular, this study emphasises the ways in which the performers seek, create and defend values such as femininity, authenticity, empowerment and respectability in and through their dancing.

Data for this study consists of field notes from participant observation in dance classes, festivals and gatherings; in-depth interviews and written material, such as leaflets and Internet material. Field notes from a trip to Lebanon with a group of Swedish dancers are also included.

The performance of Middle Eastern dance in Stockholm may be seen as a way for Swedish women to find new femininities. They strive to combine a glamorous hyper-femininity with strength and respectability. This is a difficult task. The dancers constantly have to maintain a balance. While enjoying the hyper-femininity of oriental dance they must avoid being too sexy and thereby running the risk of being reduced to the position of sexual objects. To avoid losing control of the situation performing in public the dancers use different tactics. Many try to make the performance a clearly bounded event and make distinctions between themselves as individuals and the personas they embody on stage. This gives the performers a chance to playfully embody hyper-femininity. Other dancers have changed the dance itself, removing all movements and costumes that could be perceived as sexually inviting or aiming to please.