In the concluding chapter, we address the critical question of what has changed and what has remained the same for the past 100 years since universal suffrage was adopted. Bringing together the findings provided in the individual chapters, here we discuss similarities and differences across time, especially in respect to gendered obstacles and feminist strategies for women’s political inclusion. This historical perspective enables us to see how women’s political inclusion is a multilayered concept; at different points in time, different aspects of women’s political inclusion has been brought to the fore and challenged; such as the formal right to vote, the right to stand for election, but also actual possibilities to exercise (different aspects of) these rights in practice. On the basis of these insights, we seek to develop the feminist institutional perspective on the conditions for gendered institutional change, by developing two analytical typologies: (1) on different types of gendered institutional constraints, and (2) on feminist institutional strategies used to counter them. Finally, we highlight the need to look beyond the category of gender and discuss the methodological contributions provided by a historical perspective.

As academics with practical experience of parliamentary service in Australia and Sweden, we take this opportunity to reflect on gender sensitisation drivers in these environments. By revisiting and comparing specific change processes in these two parliaments, we identify a previously missing driver of change, namely critical culture. We define this as an underlying institutional acceptance of the need for—and importance of—gender equality, socially, economically and politically. We suggest that critical culture is the foundation upon which other drivers of gender sensitive change—critical mass, critical acts and critical actors—work. We find that it is the confluence of mass, actors, acts and culture that achieves comprehensive gender sensitive reforms in parliaments. This has interesting implications for scholars and practitioners in the field of gender and parliament, a fairly young discipline that has not yet sufficiently conceptualised and empirically assessed the role of institutional culture despite a longstanding acknowledgement of its importance. We conclude by suggesting measures by which gender equality cultures could be strengthened in parliaments.

Recent research has pointed to the need for addressing gender equality in parliaments in a broader perspective, focusing on gender sensitivity in parliaments in relation to structures, operations, methods and work. Up to now, however, the question of what it takes for this work to be long-lasting and sustainable has received limited attention. This article seeks to address this gap through a case study assessing the sustainability of the internal work of the Riksdag (the Swedish Parliament) with regard to gender equality, focusing on the durability and renewal of early initiatives and reforms. On the basis of Riksdag documents and interviews with MPs during the period 1994-2022, we ask: How sustainable is the internal gender equality work of the Riksdag with respect to the three key areas of representation, infrastructure and culture? We find that the Riksdag has managed to conduct sustainable gender equality work over the course of three decades. Major factors in this success are the institutionalization of a Gender Equality Group, the adoption of Action Plans for Gender Equality every parliamentary term and the legitimacy provided by the support of the Speaker of the Riksdag and the Riksdag Board.

The introduction positions the book in relation to previous research on women’s suffrage and the continued struggle for women’s political inclusion, primarily with respect to the literature on the Nordic countries but also in a broader perspective. It lays out the main argument of the book: the combination of historical analyses and contemporary political science offers possibilities to gain new insights into the topic of women’s political inclusion. It is argued that research on the conditions for feminist institutional change may be advanced by a specific focus on the gendered institutional constraints and the feminist strategies for institutional change. The introduction also presents the feminist institutionalist approach as well as the historical awareness perspective, which both serve as key starting points for the book. It ends with a presentation of the empirical chapters, which comprise a collection of scholarly pieces by historians and political scientists. 

Given the slow speed by which women’s representation in political bodies has increased, there have been amplified calls for more effective measures to reach gender balance in political institutions. Gender quotas represent one such measure. In fact, since 1995, gender quotas have rapidly spread across the world (Dahlerup, 2006; Dahlerup & Freidenvall, 2005; Krook, 2009; Lépinard & Rubio-Marín, 2018). Today, more than one hundred countries have adopted gender quotas to “fast-track” women’s representation in elected bodies of governments, ranging from reserved seats, legislated candidate quotas, and party quotas at national and/or subnational levels. While gender quotas vary in terms of design, where they are used, and to what extent they have achieved their objectives, they represent a major electoral reform, changing the dynamics of candidate selection and the traditional norms of politics as a male business.This chapter addresses this global phenomenon – this gender quota revolution – by focusing on three key aspects: What are gender quotas, why are they adopted, and how have they been implemented (effect). The ways in which they have contributed to the diffusion of quotas in other arenas (spill-over) are also addressed. The chapter is based on our extensive research in the field over the past 20 years, as well as additional research by colleagues across the world. In general, gender quotas are a mounting research area and subject to scientific discussions in dissertations, journal articles, and books, as well as at numerous conferences (Dahlerup, 2019).

This chapter assesses the adoption and implementation of voluntary measures on gender balance on the boards of listed companies in the Swedish corporate governance code. The self-regulatory approach was advocated by the corporate sector itself in order to avoid legislation on corporate gender quotas. The outcome is rather ambivalent. While the change has resulted in a gradual increase in women’s representation on corporate boards, this increase has been slow and has not yet led to gender balance. Gendered norms of equal representation of women and men in leadership positions in the economic sector have evolved. Challenges remain, and this particularly when it comes to the number of women chairpersons and CEOs. The lack of awareness of gender equality gaps among young business leaders also indicates that automatic and linear progress is not a given.

This article examines the construction of hegemonic masculinity in Greek political discourse, by analysing minutes from the Greek Parliament at the height of the economic crisis in 2010–2012. Based on Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity and the application of a discursive approach inspired by Laclau and Mouffe ([1985]. Hegemony and socialist strategy: Towards a radical democratic politics. London: Verso), the article asks: (1) which discourses constituted the rhetoric of Greek elite politicians regarding economic policies during the crisis and (2) which hegemonic concepts of masculinity and femininity did Greek elite politicians elaborate upon and discursively position themselves in. It also reflects on the implications of the gendered speeches of these elite politicians. The article shows how the rhetoric of elite politicians includes different identities normatively related to manhood. The article argues that the construction of these gender dominant gender representations in the political discourse has severe implications in terms of functioning as a means of justification of austerity measures in Greek economy with negative consequences for politics and society. It is also argued that by adopting elements of hegemonic masculinity, Greek elite politicians contribute to creating an image of a powerful man to whom citizens should adhere, hence reproducing the male (white and heterosexual) norm. 

This article addresses the establishment of gender-equality norms in a case often presented as one of the most gender-equal legislatures in the world, namely, the Swedish Parliament (Riksdagen). Based on a series of in-depth interviews between 2005 and 2016 with 90 legislators in the Swedish Parliament, we ask whether there is agreement over gender-equality problems in Parliament that cut across gender and party affiliation, and whether there is convergence over time in this regard. Our findings show that there is a trend of convergence of the gender-inequality framings over time, which indicates the establishment of a shared legislative gender-equality norm. We suggest that a legislative gender-equality norm might work as a catalyst for progressive and continuous work in this area.