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  • 1.
    Agné, Hans
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Democratism: Towards an explanatory approach to international politics2018Inngår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 44, nr 3, s. 547-569Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    International politics has often been viewed as a brutal place where might trumps right and where, as a consequence, questions of democracy are irrelevant to ask. In the last decades, however, scholars and political leaders have increasingly suggested that elements of democracy exist in governance beyond individual states. If this is so, how does democracy beyond the state shape international politics? This article suggests conceptual preliminaries for theorising consequences of democracy beyond the state in general and their implications for problems of peace and conflict in particular. The purpose is twofold: first, to begin reconstructing existing normative democratic theory into an explanatory perspective sensitive to international politics; second, to indicate how this new perspective is able to explain empirical observations pertaining to conflict and cooperation among states; international institutions; foreign policies; human rights protection; and the violence of transnational terrorist networks.

  • 2.
    Borg, Stefan
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen.
    The politics of universal rights claiming: Secular and sacred rights claiming in post-revolutionary Tunisia2017Inngår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 43, nr 3, s. 453-474Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article contributes to a theoretical understanding of rights claiming as a specific form of political practice. The article develops and defends a post-foundationalist understanding of rights discourse as a way of making a claim to social change through appealing to a universal and illustrates such an understanding with the contestation over women's rights in post-revolutionary Tunisia. To develop this argument, the article draws on Jacques Ranciere's notion of political subjectification and Ernesto Laclau's engagement with the relation between the universal and the particular. To examine the relevance of such conceptualisation, the article turns to the struggle over women's rights in post-revolutionary Tunisia, where secular and sacred understandings of the universal have been invoked frequently through rights discourse. In this context it is shown that claims to the universal give rhetorical force to rights discourse, and instead of depoliticising social relations, which rights discourse is often charged with, such claims are vital for political efficacy. However, whereas Laclau's position helps us to understand rights as a language of resistance, a more robust defence of the universal is needed to defend rights in terms of emancipatory political change. To pursue this argument, the article turns to Ranciere's defence of axiomatic equality.

  • 3.
    Dellmuth, Lisa Maria
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The knowledge gap in world politics: Assessing the sources of citizen awareness of the United Nations Security Council2016Inngår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 42, nr 4, s. 673-700Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The past decades have seen a significant expansion in the scope and authority of international organisations (IOs), raising questions about who participates and is represented in the public contestation of IOs. An important precondition for citizens to become critically involved in the public debate about an IO is that they are aware of the politics of that IO. This article sheds light on this largely unexplored issue, asking why some citizens are more aware of IOs than others. This question is examined in the context of a powerful international organization, the United Nations Security Council. A multilevel analysis of citizens in seventeen Asian and European countries suggests that citizen knowledge about the Council is shaped by citizens’ individual income, cosmopolitan identity, and income inequality. Higher levels of knowledge are found among the wealthier, and there is some evidence that income inequality depresses knowledge among poorer citizens. Furthermore, citizens identifying with groups or individuals across nation-state borders are more likely to be aware of the Council. The article sketches broader implications for the study of the politicization of IOs and citizen representation in the public contestation of IOs.

  • 4.
    Dellmuth, Lisa Maria
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer.
    Scholte, Jan Aart
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Institutional sources of legitimacy for international organisations: Beyond procedure versus performance2019Inngår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 45, nr 4, s. 627-646Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article addresses a significant gap in the literature on legitimacy in global governance, exploring whether, in what ways, and to what extent institutional qualities of international organisations (IOs) matter for popular legitimacy beliefs towards these bodies. The study assesses the causal significance of procedure and performance as sources of legitimacy, unpacks these dimensions into specific institutional qualities, and offers a comparative analysis across IOs in three issue areas of global governance. Theoretically, the article disaggregates institutional sources of legitimacy to consider democratic, technocratic, and fair qualities of procedure and performance. Empirically, it examines the effects of these institutional qualities through a population-based survey experiment in four countries in different world regions with respect to IOs in economic, security, and climate governance. The findings demonstrate that both procedure- and performance-related aspects of IO policymaking matter for popular legitimacy beliefs. This result holds across democratic, technocratic, and fair qualities of IO procedure and performance. Disaggregating the results by issue area indicates that a broader scope of institutional qualities are important for legitimacy beliefs in economic governance compared to security governance and, especially, climate governance. These findings suggest that propositions to reduce the institutional sources of IO legitimacy to single specific qualities would be misguided.

  • 5.
    Dellmuth, Lisa Maria
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The social legitimacy of international organisations: Interest representation, institutional performance, and confidence extrapolation in the United Nations2015Inngår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 41, nr 3, s. 451-475Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Social legitimacy is central to the effectiveness of international organisations (IOs). Yet, so far, we have little systematic knowledge about what drives citizens to support or oppose IOs. In this article, we isolate and assess three alternative explanations of social legiti- macy in global governance, privileging interest representation, institutional performance, and confidence extrapolation. We test these theories in a multilevel analysis of citizen confidence in the United Nations (UN) using World Values Survey and European Values Study data, sup- plemented by contextual measures. The results grant support to the arguments that institu- tional performance and confidence extrapolation shape popular confidence in the UN, while offering little support for the explanation of interest representation. These findings challenge the predominant understanding that more democratic procedures lead to greater social legitimacy for IOs. Instead, the UN case suggests that the social legitimacy of IOs is based primarily on the organisations’ capacity to deliver, as well as on citizens’ general confidence in political institutions, which IOs may have little to do with and can do little to change.

  • 6. Higgott, Richard
    et al.
    Erman, Eva
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Deliberative global governance and the question of legitimacy: what can we learn from the WTO?2010Inngår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 36, nr 2, s. 449-470Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The integration of the global economy through the liberalisation of the trade regime, the deregulation of financial markets and the privatisation of state assets has led to what we now commonly call 'globalisation'. These processes, however, have not been accompanied by a comparable development of the global polity. At the same time, it is increasingly recognised in policy circles that without the development of norms, institutions and processes to manage globalisation many of the advantages it has brought the world could be undone by a failure to mitigate the excesses and negative consequences that emanate from it, especially for large sections of the world's poor. This article addresses two broad questions: what might we understand by global governance in an era of increasingly contested globalisation and what role might international organisations play in making it more (democratically) legitimate? It addresses these questions in three steps. First, it proposes a heuristic definition that identifies two key strands of 'governance' in the contemporary debate. It is argued that global governance understood as effective and efficient collective decision-making and problem solving is insufficient for normative reasons and must, in addition, be complemented by global governance understood as the democratic legitimation of policy-making. In a second step, as an example of this latter type of governance, the article develops a deliberative two-track view of transnational legitimacy. It argues that deliberative democracy offers some fruitful theoretical tools in this context since it is equipped to address some of the qualitative problems of international decision-making as well as accommodate a plausible notion of political agency. Thirdly, from the point of view of this two-track view, the article examines the WTO and discusses its strengths and vulnerabilities, not only as a vehicle for trade liberalisation but also as an instrument of better global governance. 'The WTO as trade regulator, is at the heart of global governance [...] the international trading system and its benefits belong to us all it is an international public good and the WTO is the only instrument that can be used to deliver the global public good of non-discriminatory multilateral trade.'(1)

  • 7.
    Kuyper, Jonathan W.
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Squatrito, Theresa
    International courts and global democratic values: Participation, accountability, and justification2017Inngår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 43, nr 1, s. 152-176Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    In a post-Cold War era characterised by globalisation and deep interdependence, the actions of national governments increasingly have an effect beyond their own territorial borders. Moreover, key agents of global governance - international organisations and their bureaucracies, non-state actors and private agents - exercise pervasive forms of authority. Due to these shifts, it is widely noted that world politics suffers from a democratic deficit. This article contributes to work on global democracy by looking at the role of international courts. Building upon an original dataset covering the 24 international courts in existence since the end of the Second World War, we argue that international courts are able to advance democratic values and shape democratic practices beyond the state. They can do so by fostering equal participation, accountability, and public justification that link individuals directly with sites of transnational authority. We contend that the ability of international courts to promote these values is conditioned by institutional design choices concerning access rules, review powers, and provisions regarding judicial reason-giving. We canvass these design features of different international courts and assess the promises and pitfalls for global democratisation. We conclude by linking our analysis of international courts and global democratisation with debates about the legitimation and politicisation of global governance at large.

  • 8.
    Lundborg, Tom
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    Vaughan-Williams, Nick
    New materialisms, discourse analysis, and international relations: a radical intertextual approach2015Inngår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 41, nr 1, s. 3-25Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the recent ‘New Materialisms’ turn in social and politicalthought and asks what the potential theoretical and methodological significance might be forthe study of International Relations (IR). To do so we return to debates about the theoreticalstatus of discourse in IR as it is in this context that the question of materiality – particularly asit relates to language – has featured prominently in recent years. While the concept of discourseis increasingly narrow in IR, the ‘New Materialisms’ literature emphasises the politicalforce of materiality beyond language and representation. However, a move to reprioritise thepolitics of materiality over that of language and representation is equally problematic sinceit perpetuates rather than challenges the notion of a prior distinction between language andmateriality. In response, we draw on earlier poststructural thought in order to displace thisdichotomy and articulate an extended understanding of what analysing ‘discourse’ mightmean in the study of IR.

  • 9.
    Squatrito, Theresa
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Conditions of democracy-enhancing multilateralism: expansion of rightsprotections in Europe?2012Inngår i: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 38, nr 4, s. 707-733Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    As argued in a recent article by Keohane, Macedo, and Moravcsik, 'democracy-enhancing multilateralism' highlights the potential ways in which international organisations can enhance domestic democracy. The thesis raises an important question about the conditions which shape the likelihood that multilateralism will have such democratising effects. This article responds to the question of conditionality, looking at one way in which democracy may be improved by multilateralism-through the expansion of rights protections. That is, under what conditions will domestic democratic processes garner an improved ability to protect rights as a result of a state's participation in multilateral institutions? Using most likely empirical cases - the European Union (EU) and the Council of Europe (COE) - this article argues that three conditions affect the likelihood that rights expansion will result from multilateral legal institutions. Together the compatibility between the international legal principle and pre-existing domestic law, legal mobilisation, and the precision and obligation of the international law have significant affect on the likelihood of rights expansion. The unique contribution here is a set of conditions that helps to understand when and where rights are likely to expand as a result of a state's participation in international organisations.

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