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  • 1. Josefsen, Eva
    et al.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Saglie, Jo
    Different Institutions within Similar States: the Norwegian and Swedish Sámediggis2014In: Ethnopolitics, ISSN 1744-9057, E-ISSN 1744-9065, Vol. 14, no 1, p. 32-51Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In response to indigenous demands for self-determination, Norway and Sweden both established a Sámediggi (Sámi parliament) consisting of popularly elected Sámi representatives. The political systems of these two countries are generally regarded as similar, but there are considerable differences between the two Sámediggis. Their legal basis, authority and mandate, as well as their electoral system, seem to vary significantly between the countries; maybe even more important, so does their influence and autonomy within their respective political systems. In this article, the two Sámediggis are described and compared. How does their institutional design differ? Why did Norway and Sweden design their parliaments differently? And how have these institutions developed since their establishment?

  • 2.
    Reinikainen, Jouni
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    What is the Democratic Approach to Plebiscitary Secessionism?2019In: Ethnopolitics, ISSN 1744-9057, E-ISSN 1744-9065, Vol. 18, no 4, p. 362-378Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The past decades have witnessed an upsurge for a 'plebiscitary' variety of secessionism that primarily is motivated by the strong will for independence that a separatist minority gives voice to in a referendum. In this paper, I examine the answers that four approaches to secession offer to what the democratic way of meeting this form of secessionism would be. I make two points. The first is that our understandings of what would be democratic in this context are determined by our understandings of legitimacy. There is actually no objectively most democratic way to approach plebiscitary secessionism. There are only more or less adequate ways of using democracy from the point of view of legitimacy. My second point is that the legitimacy of a state's authority normally presupposes that the subjects of a state have a possibility to exit their state by way of secession. The adequate use of democracy in cases of plebiscitary secessionism is therefore to treat secession as form of exit and to design an independence referendum as a scan of the choice of the exit option.

  • 3.
    Yabanci, Bilge
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies. Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Italy.
    Work for the Nation, Obey the State, Praise the Ummah: Turkey´s Government-oriented Youth Organizations in Cultivating a New Nation2019In: Ethnopolitics, ISSN 1744-9057, E-ISSN 1744-9065Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Modern Turkey´s emergence was a nationalist struggle that aimed to cultivate youth as secular citizens. Almost a century later, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) attempts to re-model youth through a new ethno-religious nationalist project. This study argues that different from the secular Kemalist social engineering that dominated the state´s youth policy for decades, the AKP relies on the intermediary agency of Islamist-conservative and government-oriented civil society to shape young generations and convey ethno-religious nationalism to youth. Seventeen government-oriented youth organizations illustrate the extent of the Justice and Development Party´s (AKP) quest for a new national identity and cultural hegemony within the broader context of Turkey´s steady decline into an authoritarian regime. The findings - based on original fieldwork conducted between October 2017 - June 2019 - demonstrate youth organization´s country-wide grassroots engagement in four categories: indoctrination, extra-curricular training, service provision in the education sector, and street activism and humanitarian work. Their self-defined goals, ideological roots and grassroots reach inject a new disciplinary ethos and statist values in youth towards shaping them as Muslim and nationalist "ideal citizens". The study offers insights on the societal aspects of authoritarian regime building and cautions that crafting "successful" authoritarian regimes is not a one-way process that takes place only at the formal institutional level. A broad range of societal players and coalitions, including civil society, play a critical role in authoritarian regime building.

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