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  • 1.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu Nationalism and Gender in the Indian Civil Society2011Inngår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 13, nr 1, s. 83-99Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The Indian women's movement has for the last two decades been engaged in a struggle against an aggressive Hindu nationalism. Based on the idea of Hindu supremacy and a revival of traditional Hindu culture, the Hindu nationalist movement has grown as a political force in an era of rapid modernization and globalization. Met with strong resistance from secular forces, this Hindu nationalist challenge has tried to turn civil society into a battlefield challenging feminist liberal and socialist ideas on gender relations, advocating a definition of gender roles based on a traditional Hindu culture. The theoretical starting point of the article is a form of modified civil society theory in which civil society is analysed as an arena where various social and political forces battle against the State, but also against each other. It is argued in the article that despite their significant political success the Hindu nationalist forces have largely failed to gain any ground within the Indian women's movement and remain relatively isolated.

  • 2.
    Eto, Mikiko
    Hosei University.
    Women and Representation in Japan: Causes of Political Inequality2010Inngår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 12, nr 2, s. 177-201Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Japan's high level of socio-economic advancement notwithstanding, the level of women's representation in Japan lags behind that in not only other advanced countries but also many developing countries. This article aims to elucidate the causes of the under-representation of women in Japan. Preceding studies suggest that multiple, intertwining factors have had a collective influence on the number of women representatives. Based on these studies, I highlight four factors which affect women's representation: the electoral system; socio-political culture; electoral quotas; and the activities and attitudes of women concerning their own representation. I discuss how these factors have influenced the under-representation of Japanese women, in effect demonstrating that all the above factors have had negative impacts. Among these, the most serious obstacle is women's lack of enthusiasm for a larger political presence, which is sustained by Japanese political culture and social customs. I argue that strong women's voices calling for more women representatives are the necessary basis for measures to improve the under-representation of women.

  • 3.
    Jansson, Maria
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The logic of protection: narratives of HIV/AIDS in the UN Security Council2017Inngår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 19, nr 1, s. 71-85Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    When HIV/AIDS was first addressed by the UN Security Council in 2000, it was seen as the culmination of a successful securitization process and a pivotal moment for introducing human security. However, concern for the epidemic was paired with problems in including a nonmilitary issue on the Security Council’s agenda and the fear that peacekeepers were vectors of HIV. Reports of peacekeepers being involved in sexual exploitation and abuse added to these problems. This article aims to understand how gender has informed the efforts to address these issues and to rehabilitate peacekeeping forces and the Security Council from the legitimacy challenges that arose in this context. The article argues that including nonmilitary issues on the Security Council agenda requires adjustment to fit a war/peace logic. Drawing on feminist theories on security and protection, the analysis shows that the security narrative on HIV/AIDS did not form a coherent protection logic until the 2011 reformulation, when HIV/AIDS was constructed as part of the problem of wartime rape. This reformulation is interpreted as an appropriation of gender equality to reproduce a military security doctrine.

  • 4.
    Jansson, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Eduards, Maud
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The politics of gender in the UN Security Council resolutions on women, peace and security2016Inngår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 18, nr 4, s. 590-604Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Women’s groups have worked diligently to place gender and women’s vulnerability on the transnational security agenda. This article departs from the idea that negotiating and codifying gender and women’s vulnerability in terms of security represent a challenge to mainstream security contexts. By contrasting the UN Security Council resolutions on women, peace and security with feminist theory, this article aims to analyze what is considered to be threatened when women’s vulnerability is negotiated. The article identifies two approaches to the gender/security nexus: gendering security, which involves introducing ideas regarding gender-sensitive policies and equal representation, and securitizing gender, which proceeds by locating rape and sexual violence in the context of war regulations. We demonstrate that, although these measures are encouraged with reference to women’s vulnerability, they serve to legitimize war and the male soldier and both approaches depoliticize gender relations.

  • 5.
    Sainsbury, Diane
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Bergqvist, Christina
    Department of Government, Uppsala University.
    The Promise and Pitfalls of Gender Mainstreaming: The Swedish Case2009Inngår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 11, nr 2, s. 216-234Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines gender mainstreaming in Sweden, which is an interesting case because several favorable conditions make its implementation likely. It addresses two main questions: (1) to what extent has gender mainstreaming been implemented and (2) what are the consequences? The article first discusses the pros and cons of gender mainstreaming as reflected in the international feminist debate. It then briefly describes the favorable conditions of the Swedish case and subsequently maps out the introduction of gender mainstreaming since 1994, focusing on the process and its politics. It concludes with a discussion of the Swedish experience in terms of the promise and pitfalls of gender mainstreaming identified in the feminist debate and the implications of the Swedish case for feminist theorizing on gender mainstreaming.

  • 6.
    Tornhill, Sofie
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för etnologi, religionshistoria och genusvetenskap.
    ’A bulletin board of dreams’ – Corporate Empowerment Promotion and Feminist ImplicationsInngår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 7.
    Tornhill, Sofie
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för etnologi, religionshistoria och genusvetenskap.
    A bulletin board of dreams: corporate empowerment promotion and feminist implications2016Inngår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 18, nr 4, s. 528-543Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the premises of corporate solutions to gender inequality in the Global South. In feminist debates, businesses' increasing emphasis on women's empowerment has been discussed both in terms of increasing feminist impact and the co-optation of feminist demands. To explore the ideological effects of corporate gender practices, focus is placed on the Coca-Cola Company's global 5by20 campaign, which has the stated aim to empower five million women as small-scale entrepreneurs around the world and, in a win-win fashion, to double sales by 2020. Based on interviews and participatory observations in Mexico, this article traces a particular narrative of empowerment, envisioned as a transition from dependency to self-sufficiency and threatened by psychological and cultural restraints rather than material conditions. It shows that self-help and positive thinking are essential affective drives, thus reinforcing market-based, individualized development strategies. In response to feminist debates, the article concludes that corporate gender practices can be seen as part of a neoliberal transposition of equality concerns from a political to an economic domain. In effect, when initiatives such as 5by20 promote the accumulation of human capital to enhance gender equality, they simultaneously work to legitimize the inequalities that are necessarily entailed in competitive capitalism.

  • 8.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Crisis Narratives and Masculinist Protection: Gendering the Original Stockholm Syndrome2015Inngår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 17, nr 4, s. 595-610Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Stockholm syndrome, or captor-bonding, is a psychological crisis response to which women are considered especially susceptible. The term was coined in connection with a 1973 hostage situation in Stockholm, Sweden. I argue that the syndrome originally indicated a crisis of state authority. The conception of Stockholm syndrome projected a crisis of the legitimate state onto the women hostages and reinforced connections between state protection, masculinity and physical force. Crisis narratives specifically targeted the women's agency, and the state's protector status was restored by gendering dependency and victimhood. The particular circumstances of the original Stockholm incident were a prerequisite for the syndrome's appearance and continue to inform common understandings and scholarly writing on the syndrome. When crisis discourse appropriates the Stockholm syndrome, a unitary perspective and gendered foundations of state power are reinforced. Possibilities of divergent perspectives and counter-discourses, which are critical to feminist interventions into crisis narratives, are thereby diminished.

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