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  • 1.
    Alvarez López, Laura
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Ideologías y actitudes lingüísticas en Brasil: lingüística y estudios afrobrasileños en el siglo XX2003Inngår i: Actas: VII Taller Internacional de Africanía en el Caribe, Ortiz-Lachatañeré / [ed] Zaylen Clavería Centurión, Yadine M. Yara González, 2003, s. 28-39Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 2.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Uggla, Fredrik
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    An Ombudsman for Future Generations: Legitimate and Effective?2016Inngår i: Institutions For Future Generations / [ed] Iñigo González-Ricoy, Axel Gosseries, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016, s. 117-134Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 3.
    Bender, Karin
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    "We became sisters, not of blood but of pain": Women's experiences of organization and empowerment in relation to enforced disappearances in Mexico2017Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 poäng / 30 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Enforced disappearances has been used as a repressive strategy by numerous Latin American states against tens of thousands of presumed political opponents and adversaries, starting in the 1960’s in Guatemala. In contemporary Latin America, Mexico holds the record for disappearances, both politically and non-politically motivated, with more than 30 000 cases reported since the beginning of the drug war in 2006. In response to the silence and impunity from the state, family members have been forced to organize in order to advance in the search for their relatives and for justice. Most of these family members are women. The aim of this study is to analyze women’s experiences of organizing as relatives to the forcefully disappeared in Mexico to explore possible connections between organization and empowerment. Empowerment is here understood from a feminist perspective, as a transformative factor that gives women increased feelings of ‘power to’, ‘power with’ and ‘power within’. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with five women organized in four different family members’ organizations in Mexico. The results were analyzed against a theoretical framework consisting of previous research and theories on women’s organizing in Latin America, focusing on strategic and practical gender interests and theories on women’s empowerment, from a feminist and sociologist perspective. The analysis revealed that through the process of organizing, women developed a critical consciousness and access to new skills and resources that resulted in the women becoming more active, political and empowered subjects. The results also showed that despite women’s reasons for organizing being originally practical, to find their loved ones, during the process of organization, these reasons became more strategic and political, as a result of the empowerment process. The study concludes that women’s collective action is a source of empowerment even within organizations that does not have this as an outspoken aim and that the collectives of family members have provided a space for women to become active, conscious and critical citizens.

  • 4.
    Bernal, Maria
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    “Agradezco a mi abogado defenderme a pesar de que soy musulmán”: El tratamiento de la identidad étnica y religiosa en el juicio del 11-M2013Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [es]

    Nuestro trabajo se enmarca en el (sub)género discursivo del juicio oral, definido como interacción oral formal, altamente ritualizada, y con un alto grado de complejidad, elaboración y planificación discursivas (Briz 2011). Nuestro objeto de investigación es el tratamiento de la identidad, especialmente lo relacionado a la etnicidad y a la adscripción religiosa, en la vista oral del juicio por los atentados terroristas en Madrid en 2004. Los materiales de análisis se componen de intervenciones  accesibles on line, tanto de los agentes profesionalizados (esto es, tribunal, fiscales y letrados) como de los acusados. Partiendo del concepto de identidad de Zimmerman (1998) así como de la noción de prácticas sociales e ideologías puestas en práctica en la situación de juicio (Carranza 2007), se observará cómo las referencias a la etnicidad –ser árabe, tener nacionalidad marroquí– de algunos de los acusados así como su pertenencia religiosa –ser musulmán– son usadas con fines argumentativos en las distintas fases de la vista oral. Así, el acusado que denuncia que “yo he sufrido tortura en mi religión” o el que resalta el compromiso de su abogado en su defensa “a pesar de que soy musulmán” acuden a la etnicidad y a actividades de imagen (Penman 1990) como herramienta argumentativa; de la misma manera lo hace el fiscal al parafrasear las palabras de un acusado “yo convertí a malhechores en servidores de Dios por “él convirtió a delincuentes de poca monta en fanáticos de Dios, en locos de Dios”. Analizando diferentes estrategias persuasivas (Salmi-Tolonen 2005) esperamos contribuir a alcanzar un mayor conocimiento de la actividad argumentativa en este subgénero del discurso judicial español, de especial importancia, además, dada la multiculturalidad de la sociedad española.

  • 5.
    Bernal, Maria
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Barbarie, hordas y tiros de gracia: refractariedad y afiliación en las esquelas recordatorias de las víctimas de la Guerra Civil2013Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [es]

    En este estudio tengo por objetivo hacer una lectura de las esquelas de defunción publicadas en la prensa española con ocasión del 70 aniversario del inicio de la Guerra Civil española desde una perspectiva que aúna la teoría de la (des)cortesía y el análisis crítico del discurso, especialmente el discurso ideológico (van Dijk 2003). Si bien las esquelas u obituarios se enmarcan en un género expositivo escrito, es patente en el corpus elegido la interacción entre texto y contexto social (Bolívar, 2005). También interesa observar el uso de las actividades de imagen como fenómeno con entidad propia (Haugh 2013). El corpus reunido se compone de 38 esquelas –que abarcan a 62 difuntos– en las que se producen tanto ’exacerbación informativa’ como ’actitud opinativa’ (Hernando 2007), y se evidencia en la mayor parte de ellas una polarización de las posiciones de los dos bandos, esto es, republicanos vs. franquistas/nacionales. Concretamente, se aplica al análisis la reelaboración de los conceptos de autonomía y afiliación (Bravo 2003) que propone Kaul de Marlangeon (2005) en cuanto a refractariedad (la autonomía exacerbada como opositor al grupo, esto es, la oposición al otro bando: ”vilmente asesinado por las hordas rojas”, ”la barbarie marxista”, ”balas asesinas de la represión franquista”) y la afiliación exacerbada al propio grupo, hasta el punto de acudir a la descortesía en su defensa. Si bien se trata sobre todo de iniciativas particulares, lo que se ha dado en llamar ’guerra civil de las esquelas’ (de la Cal 2006) ha contribuido al debate social propiciado en España por la aprobación de la Ley de la Memoria Histórica (Ley 52/2007), dado que, además de recordar a sus víctimas, ha habido en ocasiones un posicionamiento respecto a la necesidad o no de revisión histórica (”España sigue estando en deuda con la justicia, la verdad y la memoria de las víctimas de esos grupos sediciosos” vs. ”este dolor sin sentido que ahora está siendo removido sin piedad”).   

  • 6.
    Bernal, María
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Ciberentrevistas y actividades de (des)cortesía: un estudio comparativo español-sueco2012Inngår i: Pragmática y comunicación intercultural en el mundo hispanohablante / [ed] Maria Elena Placencia, Carmen García, New York: Brill Academic Publishers, 2012, s. 159-186Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [es]

    La comunicación mediada por ordenador (computer-mediated communication, CMC) ha sido objeto en años recientes de trabajos (Alcoba Rueda 2004; Noblia 2004; Bou-Franch & Garcés-Conejos 2005; Palazzo 2005) que se centran en diferentes aspectos relacionados con las actividades de imagen y la (des)cortesía, presentes en la interacción electrónica mediante e-mail o en chats. Otro tipo de CMC menos estudiado lo constituyen las entrevistas digitales que se publican en los sitios electrónicos de diferentes periódicos. En ellas los lectores envían elogios, críticas y preguntas solicitando información/opinión a personas conocidas en alguna faceta de la vida pública. Posteriormente, el/la entrevistado/a, contesta las preguntas recibidas on line. Nos basamos en un corpus de 50 entrevistas extraídas de Encuentros Digitales (www.elmundo.es) y Entrevistas (www.elpais.es) para el español, y de DN-chatten (www.dn.se) para el sueco. Pensamos que estas entrevistas proporcionan un material valioso y de fácil acceso para el análisis de la (des)cortesía (cf. Bernal 2007). Concretamente, el objetivo del presente estudio es realizar un análisis comparativo de las estrategias usadas por los interactuantes suecos y por los españoles, centrándonos en la cortesía valorizante –realizada mediante halagos– y en actividades de potencial daño a la imagen ajena –que se plasma en críticas– presentes en los comentarios enviados por los lectores, teniendo en cuenta también el efecto de (des)cortesía (Bravo 2005) producido en la persona entrevistada. Los resultados preliminares apuntan a una mayor frecuencia de cortesía valorizante en los materiales españoles, así como una recepción más elaborada del elogio, con reforzamiento de la autoimagen y agradecimientos; mientras que en los materiales suecos predominan los pedidos de información y de opinión y tanto el elogio como la crítica tienen una realización y una recepción menos salientes.

  • 7.
    Blomberg, Elias
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    The shifting role of the Brazilian Military since 1985: A study of changes in the civil-military relations2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis will investigate the development of civil-military relations in Brazil since the democratization in 1985. The two most important previous studies, by Alfred Stepan and Wendy Hunter, will be presented and discussed. They where published in 1988 and 1997, respectively. There is therefore a need for a study that includes the development during the long period since these two books were published. The focus will be on three indicators, civilianization of government, how the role of the military has been defined, and military expenditures. The conclusions are that there are contradicting tendencies regarding the development of the civil-military relations, and that the strengthening of civilian institutions is paramount in order to consolidate democracy in Brazil.

     

     

  • 8. Briceño-Ruiz, José
    et al.
    Rivarola Puntigliano, Andrés
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Brazil and Latin America: Between the Separation and Integration Paths2017Bok (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Brazil and Latin America: Between the Separation and Integration Paths challenges the “separatist” bias in the vision of Brazilian relations with its Latin American neighbors. By exploring the parallel existence of a path of integration, the focus of this study is on those forces which have intended to forge different forms of alignment, integration, and, sometimes, rightward union between Brazil and different Latin American countries. The authors analyze the ideas and projects inherent in the mindset of elites even before independence. They show that the path of integration has been more influential than is generally known. Ultimately, this book demonstrates the complexity around policy-making, debates on foreign policy, and the history of shaping the Brazilian self.

  • 9. Bryld, Erik
    et al.
    Masri-Pedersen, Nadia
    Ouerdane, Nedjma
    Uggla, Fredrik
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet. Indevelop AB, Sweden.
    Evaluation of the Implementation and Results of the Swedish Strategy for Democracy Support for Party Affiliated Organisations 2012-2014 - Final Report2015Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [sv]

    2015:5 Sida Decentralised Evaluation / Utvärderingen av den svenska strategin för demokratistöd för part Anslutna Organisationer (PAO) fann PAO att ge stöd som är relevant för den politik den svenska regeringen. Utvärderingen visade utgångar som ska genomföras som planerat och effektivt på individnivå, men med begränsad institutionell förändring. Detta begränsar bidrag till målet strategi av demokratisk politisk utveckling. Effekten är också av PAO beslut att engagera mottagarna från mer än sjuttio länder, ofta från parter med endast marginell nationellt inflytande. Bristerna i den nuvarande utformningen, utan tvekan, härrör från det faktum att medlen till PAO för systerpartistödet fördelas enligt antalet platser i den svenska riksdagen, snarare än prestanda. Det finns således ett behov av att tänka över utformningen i syfte att förbättra kvalitet och hantering av risker.

  • 10. Burga, Estella
    et al.
    Dusant, Macarena
    Löfgren, Isabel
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Nuestras Madres: Forming Political Subjects en la mesa2017Inngår i: Architecture and Culture, ISSN 2050-7828, Vol. 5, nr 3, s. 401-403Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    NUESTRAS MADRES is an artwork by the art collective IDA performed at the AHRA Architecture and Feminisms Conference (2016), which consisted of a collective ritual and a poetry reading. The ritual created a safe space where a group of participants sat around a table taking turns in sharing their stories about their mothers while embroidering their names on a single tablecloth. These were synthesized into a poem and presented the following day. IDA investigates issues in private and public space connected to knowledge production and gender normativity. Even though the role of mothers and their knowledge is usually connected to the private sphere, the knowledge of our mothers and their mothers shared en la mesa - over the table - is important in the construction of political subjects. How has this knowledge helped us survive in society as women, queer, indigenous, working class, Muslim, immigrant - as human beings?

  • 11.
    Capriola, Margherita
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Climate Crimes: Climate change and deforestation: a case-study of state-corporate crime in Peru2017Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 poäng / 30 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    During the last decades, climate change studies have been focusing more intensely on its anthopocenic essence, as the consequence of production and consumption patterns that require the intensive exploitation of the environment. In line with this school of thought, and new generations of studies on environmental crime, this work aims to present the environmentally and climate-related issues arising from land degradation in the Peruvian Amazon; focusing on those casual mechanisms developed from the collusion between Peruvian-economic policies and new private actors such as transnational corporations (TNCs). Relying on the assumption that: the processes moving the issue of climate change overcome the global space, and can be observed from regional, national or local point of view; this work's purpose is to analyze how a single country as Peru, currently considered of low ecological footprint, could, by means of the definition of national laws (environmentally and economic-related) burden climate change. The analysis focuses on a single case-study identified with the territory within the Northern Ucayali and Southern Loreto regions in Peru, and builds on the theory of state-corporate crime developed in the 1990s by Ronald C. Kramer and Raymond J. Michalowski to define the role of state-corporate relationships in the production of social harms. To show how this relationship is today shaping the globally spread issue of climate change, the analysis of the palm oil industry in Ucayali is presented as main example of a broader phenomenon of transgression and partnership between private and public spheres in Peru. In this optic, the purpose is to give further contributions to the studies of climate change as state-corporate crime, focusing on the analysis of those territory, as the Amazon, whose preservation has been identified as mayor tool against global warming and which is instead harmed by the relation between private and governments interests.

  • 12. Carlson, Benny
    et al.
    Lundahl, Mats
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet. Stockholm School of Economics, Sweden.
    Ingvar Svennilson on economic planning in war and peace2017Inngår i: History of Economic Ideas, ISSN 1122-8792, E-ISSN 1724-2169, Vol. 25, nr 2, s. 115-138Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    During the transition from a wartime to a peacetime economy in the mid-1940s, Sweden experienced a heated debate on economic planning in which a number of Sweden's leading economists were involved. In 1941, Ingvar Svennilson, a member of the so-called Stockholm school of economists, became the head of the Industrial Institute of Economic and Social Research, founded by Swedish industry. During the following years he wrote extensively on the issue of economic planning. Although this issue was ideologically explosive, he managed to strike a balance which earned him respect in most camps. His focus gradually shifted from central planning during the war, toward framework planning and indicative planning after the war, when he designed the first Swedish long-term survey.

  • 13.
    Copcutt, Julius
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Against the current: A minor field study on alternative media in Guatemala2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Tales of contemporary society, and who gets the right to tell them, is in this internet era something in motion as new platforms for sharing and getting information have arisen. Where traditional media through newspapers, radio or television has historically been so dominant, more and more voices can make it through as access to new platforms increase. In Latin America and in Guatemala, traditional media has been in the hands of the few and the powerful, concentrating economical and political influence that’s wielded through the power of discourse. Seeing this as hegemonic and representing a society where all are not included, alternative media seeks to counter such discourse and power by telling the untold stories by those historically without voice. This study picks up the perceptions, experiences and views of journalists and activists reshaping what we know about media production and the world, all this in a setting, a moment in time in Guatemala, when the structures of hegemonic power are shaken and put into question. By interviewing representatives of a wide scope of the alternative media sector, this thesis gives account for their aims and contributions as well as the general role and importance of alternative media in Guatemala. What it shows us is that alternative media is perceived as a force changing and adding to narratives about prior marginalized issues in the media as well as countering hegemonic power by contributing to empowerment of the citizenry. This study also show us that alternative media is perceived to open up the space for public opinion to a wider group of people in society and that it has a part to play in monitoring media power. Through these conclusions we gain a better understanding for counter hegemonic voices, ideas and movements and their part to play in society.

  • 14.
    Evertsson, Nubia
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Corporate Contributions to Electoral Campaigns: The Current State of Affairs2018Inngår i: Handbook of Political Party Funding / [ed] Jonathan Mendilow, Eric Phélippeau, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2018, s. 33-54Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 15.
    Evertsson, Nubia
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Privacy revisited: A global perspective on the right to be left alone2017Inngår i: International Criminal Justice Review, ISSN 1057-5677, E-ISSN 1556-3855Artikkel, omtale (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 16.
    Evertsson, Nubia
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Tax avoidance and techniques of neutralization: A case study on Panama papers2018Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 17.
    Gharib, Christopher James William
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Still On The Clock: A democratic peace theory review on the US and  Venezuela conflicts between 2001 -20072017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation, by using the case of tensions between the United States and Venezuela between 2001-2007, examines Rummel’s hypothesis that democratic countries are inherently peaceful, and investigates whether the tensions in US-Venezuela relations under president George W Bush and president Hugo Chavez confirms or rejects Rummel’s hypothesis. A review of relevant documents, reports by non-governmental organizations and previous research in the field of international relations lead us to the conclusion that while the strained relationship between the US and Venezuela did reach a stage of coercive diplomacy, as defined by Jakobsen, the threats between the two countries did not escalate towards military aggression, and therefore Rummel’s hypothesis is confirmed.

  • 18.
    Gustafsson, Maria-Therese
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Uggla, FredrikStockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Pensamiento social sueco sobre América Latina2016Collection/Antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [es]

    El presente volumen agrupa una selección de disertaciones que fueron producidas en diferentes universidades suecas en años recientes. Decidimos incluir estudios de diversas disciplinas, sobre diferentes países latinoamericanos y temas de investigación. También incluimos autores de distintas universidades para presentar un ejemplo amplio de las investigaciones que tienen lugar en las distintas instituciones suecas. Esta selección no pretende ser representativa de la investigación sueca sobre Latinoamérica. Además, y como será señalado en el anexo, hay un gran número de estudios recientes de excelente nivel que no ha sido posible incluir. Esperamos, sin embargo, que esta selección permita comprender cómo se desarrollan en Suecia los estudios sobre Latinoamérica; cuáles son algunos de sus áreas de interés, así como los desafíos que enfrentan los académicos que se embarcan en la tarea de estudiar un continente lejano. Pero, sobre todo, esperamos que este libro cumpla con el propósito de servir como estímulo para generar más vinculos de investigación entre Suecia y América Latina.

  • 19.
    Hedin, Jakob
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Criminal insurgencies and weak states: Understanding the structural causes of Colombian cartels2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This paper discusses the socio-economic structural causes that favored the creation of drug cartels in Colombia. This paper argues that structural causes are often neglected from research on cartels and drug trafficking and the aim of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of how new policies can be achieved that are based on the comprehension of the deep socio-economic conditions which are a part of the very structures of Colombia and their relation to the cartels. This is done with a focus on the state and the social classes, and their development throughout the Colombian history since independence. The cartels are analyzed as criminal insurgencies in order to achieve a conceptual understanding of them. This paper concludes that the incomplete Colombian state formation, together with a great amount of marginalization of the lower social classes have been decisive factors in the creation of the criminal insurgencies and consequently, that we need to rethink the current policies on the war on drugs, since the policies in place have been rather unsuccessful in blocking the development of powerful cartels, not only in Colombia but Latin America in general.

  • 20. Hoelscher, Kristian
    et al.
    Nussio, Enzo
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Understanding unlikely successes in urban violence reduction2016Inngår i: Urban Studies, ISSN 0042-0980, E-ISSN 1360-063X, Vol. 53, nr 11, s. 2397-2416Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The problems of violence in Latin America are often reiterated, yet understanding how and why violence declines is far less common. While urban violence takes different forms and has a range of motivations, we suggest that strengthening political and social institutions are important in violence reduction processes. We examine this using a comparative analysis of two cities which have recently seen unusual and marked reductions in lethal violence: Bogotá in Colombia and Recife in Brazil. Drawing on primary data collection, the case studies suggest that novel leaders who take advantage of critical junctures can deliver unexpected improvements to public security; and improvements are linked with institutionalising progressive security policies, increasing accountability of political institutions, and social reforms encouraging civic values and commitments to non-violence. While findings are specific to these two cases, they may plausibly apply to a broader range of cities, such that commitments to improve public policy and political institutions can overcome structural risk factors that foster violence.

  • 21.
    Jonsson, Clapton
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    How post-electoral intraparty rank affects party unity in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Within the fields of electoral studies and legislative politics, the interest of this study is the Brazilian electoral system and the unity of the parties it produces. Specifically, I ask how post-electoral intraparty rank affects party unity. I determine post-electoral intraparty rank by comparing deputies’ vote share of the total national vote count. By compiling a database of 48 roll-call votes of 37 Federal Deputies from São Paulo, I compare how often the deputies toe the party line to their vote share. I also test for the geographical concentration of votes in cases where I find it relevant. My hypothesis is that deputies elected with a low vote share will vote according to their party’s recommendation to a larger degree than those deputies with a strong electoral base. I find that, based only on roll-call vote analysis, the complete sample does not demonstrate a strong relationship between voting agreement and vote share (or post-electoral rank). However, by analyzing significant cases individually, I do find a basis for my hypothesis, as well as indicators of theoretical consistency in the sample. The basis is for the most part strengthened when controlling for vote concentration. I conclude that deputies whose largest electoral base is centered in cities seem to be more autonomous in their voting, most likely for ideological reasons rather than reasons motivated by pork-barrel spending.

  • 22. Kaplan, Oliver
    et al.
    Nussio, Enzo
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Community Counts: The Social Reintegration of Ex-Combatants in Colombia2018Inngår i: Conflict Management and Peace Science, ISSN 0738-8942, E-ISSN 1549-9219, Vol. 35, nr 2, s. 132-153Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    What explains the social reintegration of ex-combatants from armed conflicts? Community-level programs to reintegrate ex-combatants into society are based on the theory that the participation of ex-combatants in their communities can promote reconciliation and minimize recidivism to illegal activities. We evaluate community and security-related opportunities for and constraints on social reintegration using a survey of ex-combatants from Colombia. We find that ex-combatants in more participatory communities tend to have an easier time with social reintegration and feel less of a need to organize among themselves. These findings suggest that to help ex-combatants, reintegration processes should also work to improve the social vibrancy of receptor communities.

  • 23. Kolangui Nisanof, Tamara
    et al.
    Parra Rosales, Luz Paula
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    El diálogo para la resolución de conflictos2013Bok (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [es]

    ¿Qué hace posible que los seres humanos vivan en paz? Como el conflicto está inmerso en nuestras vidas y es parte de nuestra esencia y de nuestras relaciones cotidianas, debemos aprender cuáles son las figuras de mediación, arbitraje, negociación y todas aquellas habilidades y destrezas que nos llevarán a tener un acuerdo pacífico con los demás, y así crear una situación de ganar-ganar para las dos partes.

    No nacemos conociendo y practicando la violencia, la aprendemos, nos la enseñan, lo cual nos lleva a tener relaciones que destruyen la armonía de nuestro entorno. Por eso hay que aprender a practicar la paz. Tenemos que saber escuchar, no sólo oir; tenemos que aprender a controlar el enojo y la impulsividad, a tener asertividad y empatía. Promovamos la cooperación para llegar al bien común, a la idea de la paz, la justicia y la equidad.

  • 24.
    Kujala, Kai-Aleksi
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    The re-election debate in Evo Morales' Bolivia: A political discourse analysis of the narratives in the re-election debate2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The presidential re-election debate has been going on in Latin America since the consolidation of the first republics. During the presidency of Evo Morales in Bolivia, the debate about re-election has been going on since his election in 2005. This qualitative study is going to present a discourse analysis of the narratives of the re-election debate in Bolivia. The analysis is going to show differences and similarities in the discourses as well as analysing the main features of the discourses. The discourses are from top Bolivian politicians and the data has been collected from three time periods, to give it more perspective and depth.

  • 25. Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Lembke, Magnus
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    The Andean Catch-22: ethnicity, class and resource governance in Bolivia and Ecuador2018Inngår i: Globalizations, ISSN 1474-7731, E-ISSN 1474-774X, Vol. 15, nr 5, s. 636-654Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This study deals with the tensions and contradictions between resource governance, welfare policies, and the constitutionally recognized rights of nature and the indigenous peoples in Bolivia and Ecuador. We have identified a certain reductionism in current debates on these issues and propose a more systematic analytical focus on class and the class-ethnicity duality, as expressed in historical and contemporary indigenous struggles, and also confirmed via our ethnographic material. Drawing on the double bind as expressed in Joseph Heller's Catch-22 wherein the protagonists face situations in which they do not have any choice to achieve a net gain, this article centres on how national governments have to choose between the protections of rights - in this case ethnic and environmental rights - and welfare provision financed by extractive revenues. From the perspective of ecologically concerned indigenous actors, the Catch-22 is articulated in the choice or compromise between universal welfarism on the one hand, and ethno-environmental concerns on the other hand. The article draws primarily on ecosocialist arguments and on indigenous-culturalist perspectives on Good Life (Sumak Kawsay or Vivir Bien). A central finding is the existence of awareness among involved actors - oppositional movements and government authorities - that the Catch-22 quandary and joint class-ethnic concerns are unavoidable ingredients in their discourses, struggles, and understandings of Good Life.

  • 26.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet. Södertörn University, Sweden.
    Merimaa, Maija
    The Discursive Paradox of Environmental Conflict: Between Ecologism and Economism in Ecuador2018Inngår i: Forum for Development Studies, ISSN 0803-9410, E-ISSN 1891-1765, Vol. 45, nr 3, s. 485-511Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Ecuador in times of the Rafael Correa government constitutes a prime example of the paradox of environmental conflict, in which all involved actors claim to represent the true vanguard concerning safeguarding of the environment and human conditions. The country presents the ecologically most progressive constitution in the world and also incorporates far-reaching recognition of indigenous peoples' rights. Notwithstanding, the economy remains reliant on extractivism and the government argues that the revenues of extractive industries benefit the common good. Anchored in a distinction between environmentalism and ecologism, this article identifies and problematizes dominant narratives among the actors of the contentious discursive scenarios, and analyses how the state and its ecological-indigenous opposition aim to position themselves within the political conflict. The central questions are: How are eco-progressive politics perceived, defined and expressed in this setting of an intercultural and plurinational society economically reliant on natural resource extraction? Which values, interests and ontological assumptions are at stake and how are these expressed in the discursive struggle? The research is based on several years of ethnographic fieldwork, combined with critical reading of the previous literature and discourse analysis. The article contributes to politico-environmental debates in Ecuador and beyond and shows that environmental struggle is entangled in broader political disputes conditioned by global economic structures. It likewise communicates with debates on argumentative discourse and illustrates that the same core arguments can constitute the argumentative basis of rivalling actors in political struggles, thus emphasizing the centrality of the contextual framing amid ontological divides in contentious discursive settings.

  • 27.
    Lensu, Suvi
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Whore, mother, citizen?: The need for a re-definition of the citizenship of sex workers in Argentina2015Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 40 poäng / 60 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    In the subject of prostitution there has been a growing trend towards a sex work discourse, where the selling of sex and sexual services is regarded as a form of emotional and erotic labor. The discourse emerged in response to the self-organization of sex workers into labor unions and citizenship rights groups. In Argentina the first steps towards self-representation of sex workers’ interests were taken in the early 1990s. Gradually the sex workers’ social movement has grown into the labor union Ammar (La Asociación de Mujeres Meretrices de Argentina), which actively seeks recognition for sex workers’ economic rights, labor rights and social rights. Although the selling and buying of sexual services has been legal since the early 20th century prostitutes’ rights have been suppressed hitherto. In 2008 Argentina enacted the United Nation’s Convention to combat human trafficking, Palermo Protocol, as federal law 26.364. The law re-enforced the state’s abolitionist policies towards prostitution, which consequently further marginalized the sex workers’ plight. Connecting their services with human trafficking schemes heightened the social stigmatization of sex workers. To contest the institutional violence and social discrimination Ammar presented a law proposal in 2013. The reform asks the state of Argentina to recognize sex work as a legitimate form of labor, thus insuring the sex workers’ labor and social rights. This paper contributes to the aforementioned sex work discourse by analyzing the self-agency of Argentine sex workers. Based on qualitative fieldwork studies I conducted in 2014 in Argentina and employing a feminist methodology my object is to study how sex workers’ counter hegemonic movement redefines their citizenship. To construct a theoretical framework for the case study I will utilize Giorgio Agamben’s paradigm of ‘state of exception’ and compliment Agamben’s shortcomings by advancing feminist- and queer theories, which have radically revaluated the concept of citizenship. The conclusion is that, even though Argentinian sex workers’ requirement for equal rights may be embryonic, it addresses an urgent inclusion of different kinds of sexualities and gender balances to the citizenship discourse.

  • 28.
    Machado Borges, Thaïs
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    'Have you ever seen a thief wearing a uniform?' Struggling for dignity in southeastern Brazil2015Inngår i: Ethnography, ISSN 1466-1381, E-ISSN 1741-2714, Vol. 16, nr 2, s. 207-222Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Brazil is a highly unequal and socially segregated society. Within this context, Brazilians' everyday lives are marked by the constant reading of bodies: Who is/could be/looks dangerous? Who should be avoided? Poor working-class people are painfully aware of readings merging poverty and criminality. Based on ongoing ethnographic fieldwork among middle-class and lower-income persons in southeastern Brazil, this photo essay investigates some visual mechanisms at play in processes of social categorization. With a point of departure in the rhetorical question 'Have you ever seen a thief wearing a uniform?' uttered by unskilled workers at moments when their moral status is questioned, this essay examines the dynamic tensions linking physical appearance, morality and social hierarchies in contemporary Brazil. It highlights some of the ways through which unskilled workers' uniforms can be a marker of both marginality and morality as they provide a visual basis for classism in everyday interaction and signal, in other situations, group affiliation, honesty and worker pride.

  • 29.
    Machado-Borges, Thais
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    "Les voix du rebut" ("Garbage Speeches"/"As falas do lixo"): pratiques orales de positionnement social en contexte d’interactions asymétriques (oral practices of social positioning in asymmetric interactions/práticas orais de posicionamento social em interações assimétricas)2017Inngår i: Brésil(s), ISSN 2257-0543, Vol. 12Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Garbage - that which is excluded, put aside, hidden, buried, taken out of sight, and rejected - is the starting point of this paper. Approached as refuted matter, garbage circulates between private and public arenas, between centers of power and forgotten peripheries. Approached as a social metaphor, garbage marks the limits between categories, between those things and people considered to have value, and those considered to be useless and disposable. In this paper, I discuss the use of language as a strategy for social positioning by analyzing some everyday interactions taking place among women from different social classes gathered during fieldwork in Southeastern Brazil. As I show, when practiced in asymmetric interactions, these garbage speeches not only classify people in terms of status and value, but also reinforce already existing differences. At focus in the present analysis are oral practices of social positioning where status and social exclusion are harshly negotiated.

  • 30.
    Machado-Borges, Thaïs
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Cheiro Bom, Cheiro Ruim - On Bodies, Senses, and Social Classifications2012Inngår i: Bodies and Borders in Latin America / [ed] Silje Lundgren, Thaïs Machado-Borges, Charlotta Widmark, Stockholm: Stockholm Institute of Latin American Studies, Stockholm University , 2012, s. 7-14Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 31.
    Machado-Borges, Thaïs
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    "Les voix du rebut ": pratiques orales depositionnement social en contexte d’interactions asymétriques2017Inngår i: Bresil(s): Parcs et jardins, Paris: Maison des sciences de l'homme , 2017, Vol. 12Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Garbage – that which is excluded, put aside, hidden, buried, taken out of sight, and rejected – isthe starting point of this paper. Approached as refuted matter, garbage circulates betweenprivate and public arenas, between centers of power and forgotten peripheries. Approached as asocial metaphor, garbage marks the limits between categories, between those things and peopleconsidered to have value, and those considered to be useless and disposable. In this paper, Idiscuss the use of language as a strategy for social positioning by analyzing some everydayinteractions taking place among women from different social classes gathered during fieldworkin Southeastern Brazil. As I show, when practiced in asymmetric interactions, these « garbagespeeches » not only classify people in terms of status and value, but also reinforce alreadyexisting differences. At focus in the present analysis are oral practices of social positioning wherestatus and social exclusion are harshly negotiated.

  • 32.
    Machado-Borges, Thaïs
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Out of sight, out of mind? Middle-class households, environmental awareness, consumption, and the production of waste2014Konferansepaper (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 33.
    Machado-Borges, Thaïs
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Out of Sight, Out of Mind? Middle-Class Households, Waste, Consumption, and Environmental Awareness in Southeastern Brazil2017Inngår i: Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, ISSN 1935-4932, E-ISSN 1935-4940, Vol. 22, nr 2, s. 298-319Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines how middle-class households in the city of Belo Horizonte, southeastern Brazil, deal with the waste that pervades their lives. Processes of classification and disposal are examined and related to consumption practices, the division of labor, and environmental issues. This research also examines how waste is implicated in the performance of middle class-ness, in notions of morality, and in norms and codes classifying and distinguishing the valuable from the worthless. The present study suggests that members of the ethnographic sample seem worried about issues regarding social hierarchies and class belonging, to a much greater degree than they are concerned with the environmental aspects of consumption and waste management. Out of sight, out of mind? In an explicit context of social inequality, behavior toward waste passes first through the lens of class.

  • 34.
    Machado-Borges, Thaïs
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Transformations Télévisuelles: Réflexions au sujet de l'impact des telenovelas brésiliennes sur la vie quotidienne des téléspectateurs2012Inngår i: Anthropologie et Sociétés, ISSN 0702-8997, E-ISSN 1703-7921, Vol. 36, nr 1-2, s. 73-94Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Brazil is a country with one of the largest television audiences in the world. Ninety percent of the households in the country have at least one television set. What is broadcast on Brazilian television ? Soccer, of course is shown more or less continually. News and entertainment programs also make up an important share of television’s programming. But one of the most broadcast – and most watched – types of program is the telenovela. Telenovelas are saturated with images and narratives of characters who, in order to achieve love, happiness, and social mobility, engage in the transformation of themselves and their bodies. These transformations affect personal relationships, personal assets and social hierarchies of gender, sexuality, race, and class. Based on several periods of fieldwork in the state of Minas Gerais, southeastern Brazil, this article summarizes and presents some of the main findings of a larger research project about Brazilian telenovelas. The article briefly introduces this genre and presents a new take on their reception, moving the focus away from a study of viewers’ interpretations of telenovelas’ plots, to an analysis of viewers’ everyday engagement with the telenovela flow : messages, products, stories and desires that intercept with telenovelas’ plots and circulate throughout Brazilian society. It then takes a closer look at the way the telenovela flow relates to Brazilian society and how Brazilians relate to this flow : What impact does it have on viewers ? Does the telenovela flow work as a guideline, shaping how viewers think and act ?

  • 35.
    Machado-Borges, Thaïs
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Gemzöe, Lena
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för etnologi, religionshistoria och genusvetenskap, Genusvetenskap.
    Genus, Plats och Engagemang2013Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 36.
    Melián, Virginia
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för mediestudier, JMK. Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Negociando el disenso verde: Prácticas mediáticas, movilizacióny visibilidad 2052016Inngår i: Pensamiento social sueco sobre América Latina / [ed] Maria-Therese Gustafsson, Fredrik Uggla, Buenos Aires: CLACSO , 2016, s. 205-235Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 37.
    Nussio, Enzo
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet. University of St. Gallen, Switzerland.
    Violencia, terrorismo y guerra de discursos: Dos décadas de amenazas a la seguridad vistas por los presidentes colombianos2013Inngår i: Bulletin / Société suisse des américanistes, ISSN 0582-1592, Vol. 75, s. 43-56Artikkel i tidsskrift (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [es]

    La controversia entre el presidente actual, Juan Manuel Santos, y su antecesor, Álvaro Uribe, sobre si hay o no conflicto armado en Colombia puso en evidencia otro frente en el contexto de las violencias que han azotado a este país desde décadas: el de los discursos. El presente artículo busca identificar las rupturas y continuidades entre estos discursos de los presidentes colombianos en los últimos veinte años. El análisis de como han hablado los presidentes de sus respectivas luchas contra el conflicto político, el narcoterrorismo o la violencia múltiple, facilita la comprensión de las estrategias empleadas para enfrentar las amenazas, como negociaciones políticas, sometimiento a la justicia o confrontación militar.

  • 38.
    Nussio, Enzo
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet. Universidad de los Andes, Colombia.
    Howe, Kimberly
    When Protection Collapses: Post-Demobilization Trajectories of Violence2016Inngår i: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 28, nr 5, s. 848-867Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The implementation of peacebuilding activities, including the demobilization of non-state illegal actors, does not necessarily bring about a reduction in violence. While there are several theories that address the causes of persistent violence, there are few that adequately explain why rates of violence can rapidly increase in a post-demobilization context. Using the method of process tracing, this article explores the case of Córdoba Department, Colombia, where rates of violence have increased after the demobilization of paramilitary groups (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia [AUC]) in 2005. We argue that the AUC created and maintained a monopolistic illegal protection system during its years of operation, and this type of local order was able to contain violence. After demobilization, the protection system was disrupted and as a consequence, new competition between post-demobilization criminal organizations for existing illegal rents developed, petty crime became pervasive, and revenge killings spiked, thus contributing to increased rates of violence in the post-demobilization period. Our theory about the breakdown of protection finds support in other AUC-dominated regions of Colombia.

  • 39.
    Nussio, Enzo
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet. University of the Andes Colombia, Colombia.
    Oppenheim, Ben
    Anti-Social Capital in Former Members of Non-State Armed Groups: A Case Study of Colombia2014Inngår i: Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, ISSN 1057-610X, E-ISSN 1521-0731, Vol. 37, nr 12, s. 999-1023Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Illegal organizations, like mafia syndicates, gangs, and insurgencies, are often highly cohesive and hostile toward the outside world. Such groups cultivate a particular form of anti-social capital, which relies on ingroup bonding and limits outgroup bridging for the purpose of commissioning illicit acts. We argue that experiences within the group leave members with varying intensities of anti-social capital, and that higher intensities lead to significantly weaker relationships with political institutions and civil society, even many years after they exit the group. We test this theory using survey data from 1,485 former members of insurgent and paramilitary groups in Colombia, along with insights from 68 qualitative interviews. We find strong evidence that anti-social capital has individually varying and sticky effects on former members. These effects are pervasive and intense, and exhibit surprising and counterintuitive properties: former members of pro-state militia with higher levels of anti-social capital are systematically less likely to trust political institutions, while members of peasant-based insurgent groups with high levels of anti-social capital are less likely to participate in their communities.

  • 40.
    Nussio, Enzo
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Rettberg, Angelika
    Ugarriza, Juan E.
    Victims, Nonvictims and Their Opinions on Transitional Justice: Findings from the Colombian Case2015Inngår i: International Journal of Transitional Justice, ISSN 1752-7716, E-ISSN 1752-7724, Vol. 9, nr 2, s. 336-354Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Victims of armed conflict are often seen as driven by trauma-related stark emotions that differentiate them from nonvictims. Based on this premise, they should hold different views from people who have not been directly affected by war about punishing perpetrators of violence, remembering human rights violations, seeking truth and receiving reparations. The resilience literature, on the contrary, has downplayed the role of traumatic experiences in shaping people's views and rather stressed their ability to cope with adversity. In this article, we ask whether there are any differences in attitudes toward transitional justice mechanisms between victims and nonvictims, using a representative sample of the Colombian population (n = 1,843, of whom 315 are conflict victims). We find almost no statistically significant differences. Psychological resilience among victims may account for this counterintuitive finding. However, we suggest that social desirability biases, a pervasive impact of the long conflict beyond the victim/nonvictim divide and social proximity between victims and perpetrators may also be relevant explanations. Our results are relevant for scholars and policy makers, as they question elements of common (yet untested) wisdom about the political and social impact of violence on individuals' attitudes and about the prospects of peaceful coexistence.

  • 41.
    Parra Rosales, Luz Paula
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Conflicts in the City and the possibilities of the Restorative Justice: The case of Mexico2017Inngår i: City and Security. The communities and citizen´s rights in the coproduction of security / [ed] Junna Assiago et al., Mexico: Universidad Alberto Hurtado de Chile , 2017, s. 131-154Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The tough-on-crime policies that have been implemented by several urban governments as a strategy to reduce crime, insecurity and violence, which range from higher punishments to lowering the age of criminal responsibility, have given contra-productive results so far (Davis, 2013; Muggah, 2012). In addition, catastrophic mid-term and long-term consequences have been documented to generate a greater spiral of organised and unorganised violence, as well as a severe deterioration of the social fabric in the cities where these measures are implemented (Dudley, 2013; PNUD, 2013; Wolf, 2011).

    Different social sectors are expressing an increasing concern and demanding for governmental authorities to act in an even more drastic and efficient way when confronting urban crime and violence (INEGI, 2015; Latinobarómetro, 2015; PNUD, 2013).[1] This brings us to two essential questions: How could the ascending circles of urban violence and insecurity be deactivated? And, how could alternative and efficient responses to the underlying causes of violence and insecurity be generated to reduce them, while contributing to the reconstruction of the social fabric?

    [1]  Latinobarometro of 2015 identifies delinquency as the most significant problem for the Mexican interviewees, with a 23%; well above the unemployment (16%) and the economy (8%). Also, more than 70% of the interviewees consider living in Mexico is less safe every day.

  • 42.
    Parra Rosales, Luz Paula
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    El impacto diferenciado de la inseguridad pública como otra expresión de la inequidad socio-económica: una exploración inicial al caso mexicano2017Inngår i: Anuario Latinoamericano. Ciencias Politicas y Relaciones Internacionales, ISSN 2392-0343, Vol. 4, s. 61-81Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The unequal impact on public insecurity as another expression of socio-economic inequality: an initial exploration of the Mexican case

    The increasing public insecurity has negatively affected the quality of life of all Mexicans. However, its impact is differentiated among diverse sectors of the population and it has deeper consequences depending on regional, gender, age and ethnic conditions. This situation is particularly sensible because it has aggravated the already historical socio-economic inequalities existing around the whole country. The two questions that this article tries to answer are: how public insecurity has exacerbated socio-economic inequality in Mexico? And what are the different responses of unequal socio-economic sectors to deal with public insecurity? In the article, it is argued that since 2006 when the war on drugs was launched, there has been a notorious increase of criminal violence and insecurity and the state authorities are incapable or unwilling to provide equitable public security to all Mexicans. Therefore, multiples organized and unorganized responses have been generated by the population, which go from contracting of private security forces, integrating self-defense groups, lynching, isolating in private enclaves among many other individual and collective, formal and informal, legal and non-legal measures that implicate differential cost and benefits for the people. The Mexican state representatives have the obligation to provide public security to all sectors without discrimination, but when they decide to decentralize, privatize or simply not act are falling to guarantee public security as a right that is considered a “key right” for the enjoinment of other rights such as free movement, free expression among many others. Consequently, it is damaging even more the already unequal socio-economic conditions experienced by the poorest and more vulnerable sectors in the country. The worsening of public security and the uneven responses from the population expose the lack of governance of the Mexican state representatives and their inability to distribute in an efficient and equitable manner a public good, such as public security. In addition, it shows its lack of capacity to exercise the legitimate monopoly of violence to face and control the non-state actors that generate insecurity and whom aggravated the inequality within the territories they control.  

  • 43.
    Parra Rosales, Luz Paula
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Estrategía de Mediación: Familiar, Escolar y Comunicación.: Metodología de Acción para los programas de Prevención Social de Estados y Municipios.2014Annet (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
    Abstract [es]

    El objetivo de esta metodología de acción es servir como una herramienta de prevención social de la violencia y la delincuencia, contribuyendo a la transformación positiva de los conflictos, a la convivencia ciudadana mediante la formación y la capacitación en mediación y a la generación de espacios de diálogo par ala construcción de acuerdos.

    La presente metodología está integrada por diferentes apartados. Al inicio se expone el marco conceptual y su vínculo con el Programa Nacional de Prevención Social de la Violencia y la Delincuencia. En el siguiente apartado, se señalan los factores de riesgo relacionados con el manejo inadecuado de los conflictos sociales y comunitarios en distintos ámbitos y sectores. Posteriormente, se presentan de manera general las recomendaciones estratégicas de capacitación en mediación y los temas necesarios para trabajar en torno a la mediación familiar, escolar y comunitaria de forma particular. En seguida, se detallan los requisitos necesarios para cre4ar espacios para el diálogo y la construcción de acuerdos. Finalmente, se incluyen los indicadores necesarios para alcanzar los objetivos propuestos en esta metodología, así como la bibliografía y las fuentes relacionadas con las mejores prácticas a nivel nacional e internacional.

  • 44.
    Parra Rosales, Luz Paula
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Manual para la Formación y Capacitación en Mediación Comunitaria2014Bok (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [es]

    Las políticas públicas orientadas a la prevención social deben considerar el apoyo de procesos de mediación para poder conciliar los conflictos sociales presentes en el territorio, en este sentido, la mediación es una herramienta privilegiada para afianzar una cultura de prevención capaz de avanzar hacia la construcción de ciudades más cohesionadas y comprometidas con la co-producción de seguridad. En la actualidad muchas de las violencias y conflictos se generan por el desgaste de las relaciones vecinales, comunitarias, de genero, así como por la perdida de interacciones y reconocimientos entre diferentes grupos presentes en el territorio. A esto se suma el deterioro de la cohesión social derivada de la escasa capacidad mediadora de los gobiernos locales, y de la fuerte presencia de grupos criminales en determinadas zonas del país.

    Sin embargo, si se implementen iniciativas y mecanismos de mediación pueden contrarrestarse esos efectos y disminuir sus riesgos, ofreciendo una forma concreta y efectiva de resolución pacífica de los conflictos. A su vez se promueve el diálogo social generándose espacios de reconstrucción de la cohesión social y el acercamiento entre diversos grupos. En esta guía se presentan los principios básicos de la resolución constructiva de conflictos, y específicamente de la mediación comunitaria, que serán de gran utilidad para todos los que trabajan en la promoción de la cultura de la paz y el desarrollo social en sus comunidades.

  • 45.
    Parra Rosales, Luz Paula
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    The Achievement of a Federal Budget with a Gender Perspective2017Inngår i: Efective Incidence of NGOs in a Congress without Mayorities / [ed] Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas (CIDE)-Centro de Colaboración Cívica (CCC), Mexico: Centro de Colaboración Cívica , 2017, s. 1-35Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [es]

    En este estudio de caso se analiza el desempeño de las Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil (OSC) en la propuesta y aprobación de la iniciativa para un gasto etiquetado para las mujeres. El papel que jugaron las organizaciones por los derechos de las mujeres, coordinadas en la Coalición por la Salud de las Mujeres (la Coalición) y respaldadas por “una bancada de diputadas feministas”, fue determinante para su aprobación y generó un precedente único de organización y colaboración entre las OSC y el poder legislativo en México.

    El presente caso refleja las posibilidades de una interlocución constructiva, coordinada y colaborativa entre distintas organizaciones civiles con saberes y experiencias distintas que en conjunto potencializaron una interlocución positiva y poderosa con el Congreso. Este caso en particular muestra que la formación de coaliciones y alianzas estratégicas son factores claves para realizar una incidencia efectiva por parte de las organizaciones civiles en el avance de agendas compartidas, así como para posicionar temáticas particulares en la agenda pública.  

    En este capítulo se presenta una breve síntesis de los antecedentes del caso de estudio. En seguida se realiza un análisis de los factores que facilitaron el diálogo e interlocución de las organizaciones civiles con el legislativo. Posteriormente, se señalan algunos factores que todavía obstaculizan o representan un reto para que las OSC puedan incidir efectivamente en el Congreso. Finalmente, se profundiza en las lecciones aprendidas, así como en algunas reflexiones finales sobre el papel de la sociedad civil como un actor clave para gobernabilidad democrática en México. 

  • 46.
    Parra Rosales, Luz Paula
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Transformación creativa de los conflictos2016Inngår i: Derechos Humanos y Educación para la Paz / [ed] Victoria Ocejo, Ana P. Hernández Romano, México: Universidad Iberoamericana , 2016, s. 47-77Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [es]

    Derechos Humanos y educación para la Paz pretende ser un apoyo para maestros y directivos durante la implementación del proyecto Paz en la escuela, así como un acompanamiento en los anos posteriores. Como complemento a la capacitación y asesoría recibidas a lo largo de un ano escolar, este libro busca crear dentro de las escuelas espacios de diálogo y confianza en donde nuestros maestros y alumnos hagan apuestas para mejorar su entorno, resuelvan conflictos, lleguen a acuerdos y aprendan, tanton a reconocer como a agradecer, lo bueno en quienes los rodean.

    El ámbito escolar y el familiar son las principales fuentes de formación y aprendizaje durante los primeros anos de via. La escuela y el aula son espacios idóneos para que los ninos y jóvenes aprendan a relacionarse mejor. El respeto, la tolerancia y el diálogo crean comunidades sólidas que rechazan la violencia, comunidades en las que cada voz es importante, en las que cada acuerdo basta para recordarnos el poder del consenso y la palabra.

  • 47.
    Parra Rosales, Luz Paula
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Hernandez, Mauricio
    Reforma Constitucional de Derechos Humanos en México2017Inngår i: Efective Incidence of NGOs in a Congress without Mayorities / [ed] Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas (CIDE)-Centro de Colaboración Cívica (CCC), Mexico: Centro de Colaboración Cívica , 2017, s. 1-35Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [es]

    Después de más de 10 años de negociación política y de un proceso legislativo de tres años, finalmente el 11 de junio de 2011 entró en vigor la Reforma Constitucional en materia de Derechos Humanos en México. Miembros de organizaciones civiles, exfuncionarios de gobierno, legisladores, organismos internacionales, académicos y gran parte de la opinión pública coinciden en que se trata de una de las piezas de legislación más importantes que se han aprobado en los últimos tiempos en el país.

    En el entorno creado por las medidas de políticas públicas tomadas por el gobierno federal para el combate a la delincuencia organizada y ante el crecimiento del nivel de violencia a nivel nacional, la aprobación de la Reforma Constitucional en materia de Justicia Penal que entró en vigor en el año 2008 motivó la preocupación de algunas organizaciones civiles y de la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de los Derechos Humanos  en  México (OACNUDH),  las cuales  opinaban  que  esta  legislación  carecía  de  una perspectiva de derechos humanos que garantizara un balance al nuevo marco legal. Por lo tanto, consideraron urgente la aprobación de esta reforma, discutida desde hace mucho tiempo, pero que en esos momentos se percibía como necesaria para brindar protección a la ciudadanía ante la situación de inseguridad en el país.

    Diversos actores intervinieron durante la discusión de la Reforma Constitucional en materia de Derechos Humanos, sin embargo, la incidencia estratégica de algunas organizaciones civiles y organismos internacionales fue determinante a lo largo de todo el proceso de aprobación, pasando por su votación en la Cámara de Diputados y el Senado de la República, hasta llegar a su aprobación final en la mayoría de los congresos estatales del país y su promulgación por parte del Ejecutivo.

  • 48.
    Parra Rosales, Luz Paula
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Hernández, Mara
    Cabildeo Ciudadano y Democrácia en México: Diez anos de sociedad civil e incidencia efectiva2017 (oppl. Instituto Belisario Dominguez del Senado de la República)Bok (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [es]

    Este libro presenta 10 casos de incidencia de la sociedad civil en la construcción de acuerdos legislativos multipartidarios, los cuales ilustran el aporte de esta esfera de la sociedad a la calidad de la democracia, así como buenas prácticas de cabildeo ciudadano. En conjunto, los casos documentados dan cuenta de una sociedad civil eficaz y profesional en sus esfuerzos por incidir en la agenda legislativa y la muestran como una esfera ciudadana fluida y multiforme, donde los actores se reparten roles, son capaces de improvisar y adoptan distintas formas organizativas en función de amenazas y oportunidades del contexto. Además de su efectividad, los casos ejemplifican la legitimidad que alcanza la sociedad civil cuando pera en razón de su capacidad de organizarse en redes de colaboración voluntaria, independiente del Estado y del mercado, para identificar y proponer soluciones legislativas a los problemas públicos. Esta capacidad y orientación pública es la base de la legitimidad de su actuación. Cuando logra tanto efectividad como legitimidad, el cabildeo ciudadano se diferencia claramente del cabildeo tradicional para construir una valiosa aportación a la calidad de nuestra democracia desde múltiples dimensiones.

  • 49.
    Pereira Aldacor, Emilio
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Human Rights Violations in Argentina and Uruguay: A study with focus on the legal status of the amnesty laws2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This essay analyzes in a comparative manner, the cases of Argentina and Uruguay regarding the amnesty laws that both issued to members of the armed forces after the transition to democracy from the authoritarian regime, for violations of human rights committed during the military dictatorship. The research seeks to understand the causes that have made the amnesty law in Argentina from 1986 and 1987, together with the presidential pardoning of 1989 to be declared unconstitutional in 2005 and 2007 by the Argentinian Supreme Court, while the Uruguayan amnesty law issued in 1986 is at the time when this research was made still in force. The focus of this study relies on four main actors that have made an impact on this issue: the Executive; the Supreme Court; the Inter-American system of Human Rights; and the human rights movement.

    Our research intakes a qualitative nature that is the most appropriate method for this kind of study. A comparative methodology is developed studying the cases of Argentina and Uruguay in order to outline similarities and differences between them both, which let us see the different variables that both cases have in an effort to better understand the causes that led to different outcomes regarding the present legal status of the amnesty laws. This essay utilizes as its theoretical framework, theories of Transitional Justice and Human Rights from below, which are applied to the material presented in both cases.

    In Argentina, the Supreme Court, the Executive, the human rights movement and the Inter-American system of Human Rights, have worked together in the last decade to abolish the amnesty laws and the pardoning in the country.

    The Supreme Court in Uruguay acting against the Executive power in the last time is seen as a keen factor to why the amnesty law is still in force today. Here, the referendums in 1989 and 2009 supporting the further upholding of the law influenced the decision of the Supreme Court, and also made a negative impact in the human rights movement.

  • 50.
    Rivarola Puntigliano, Andrés
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    21st century geopolitics: integration and development in the age of 'continental states'2017Inngår i: Territory, Politics, Governance, ISSN 2162-2671, Vol. 5, nr 4, s. 478-494Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    There is a need, in the 21st century, to analyse the interconnection between development and regional integration with a renewed attention to geopolitics. The aim of this paper is to explore the links between states, the economy and the international system in an ongoing process of transformation generating a new world order. Drawing on geopolitical theory, this study advances the argument that in the 21st century, those states in search of increasing autonomy apply strategies of regional integration and development-oriented policies, following a path to constructing new grossraums centred on states that are continental in scope. For this analysis the study proposes using a geopolitical perspective – here called ‘classical geopolitics’ – emphasizing the territorial dimension of state making, which includes economic policies and the formation of national identities. Particular attention is given to the spatial motif observed in international systems.

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