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  • 1.
    Heegård, Jan
    et al.
    University of Copenhagen .
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Geomorphic coding in Palula and Kalasha2018In: Acta Linguistica Hafniensia. International Journal of Structural Linguistics, ISSN 0374-0364, E-ISSN 1949-0763, Vol. 50, no 2, p. 129-160Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The article describes the geomorphic systems of spatial reference in the two Indo-Aryan languages Palula and Kalasha, spoken in adjacent areas of an alpine region in Northwestern Pakistan. Palula and Kalasha encode the inclination of the mountain slope as well as the flow of the river, in systematic and similar ways, and by use of distinct sets of nominal lexemes that may function adverbially. In their verbal systems, only Palula encodes landscape features in a systematic way, but both languages make use of a number of verbal sets that in different ways emphasise boundary-crossing. The article relates the analysis to Palmer's Topographic Correspondence Hypothesis that predicts that the linguistic system of spatial reference will reflect the topography of the surrounding landscape. The analysis of the geomorphic systems in Palula and Kalasha supports this hypothesis. However, data from a survey of spatial strategies in neighbouring languages, i.e., languages spoken in a similar alpine landscape, reveal another system that does not to the same extent or in a similar way encode typical landscape features such as the mountain slope and the flow of the river. This calls for a revision of Palmer's hypothesis that also takes language contact into consideration.

  • 2.
    Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Language Typology and Syntactic Description2013In: Linguistic typology, ISSN 1430-0532, E-ISSN 1613-415X, Vol. 17, no 1, p. 107-156Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 3.
    Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Semantic patterns from an areal perspective2017In: The Cambridge handbook of areal linguistics / [ed] Raymond Hickey, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017, p. 204-236Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 4.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    A grammar of Palula2016Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This grammar provides a grammatical description of Palula, an Indo-Aryan language of the Shina group. The language is spoken by about 10,000 people in the Chitral district in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province. This is the first extensive description of the formerly little-documented Palula language, and is one of only a few in-depth studies available for languages in the extremely multilingual Hindukush-Karakoram region. The grammar is based on original fieldwork data, collected over the course of about ten years, commencing in 1998. It is primarily in the form of recorded, mainly narrative, texts, but supplemented by targeted elicitation as well as notes of observed language use. All fieldwork was conducted in close collaboration with the Palula-speaking community, and a number of native speakers took active part in the process of data gathering, annotation and data management. The main areas covered are phonology, morphology and syntax, illustrated with a large number of example items and utterances, but also a few selected lexical topics of some prominence have received a more detailed treatment as part of the morphosyntactic structure. Suggestions for further research that should be undertaken are given throughout the grammar. The approach is theory-informed rather than theory-driven, but an underlying functional-typological framework is assumed. Diachronic development is taken into account, particularly in the area of morphology, and comparisons with other languages and references to areal phenomena are included insofar as they are motivated and available. The description also provides a brief introduction to the speaker community and their immediate environment.

  • 5.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    A survey of alignment features in the Greater Hindukush with special references to Indo-Aryan2014In: On Diversity and Complexity of Languages Spoken in Europe and North and Central Asia / [ed] Pirkko Suihkonen, Lindsay J. Whaley, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2014, p. 133-174Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Hindukush Indo-Aryan (‘Dardic’) languages (Pakistan, Afghanistan, Kashmir) display a great range of variation in alignment patterns. The diversity is primarily evidenced in the case marking of core argument noun phrases and verbal person marking properties. Along these parameters, six distinct alignment types emerge, each, in combination with language-specific developments, reflecting contact-induced changes that can be attributed to three significant areas or subareas that conflate in the region: first, a large Persian-dominated area overlapping with the Western part of the region, characterized by overt patient marking; second, an area in the East with e.g. ancient Tibetan influences, characterized by overt agent marking; and third, an area in the South bordering on the influential Hindi-Urdu belt, stretching over large parts of the Indian Subcontinent, characterized by patient agreement in the perfective.

  • 6.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Big Mamas, Little Papas and Milk Brothers: Kin classification and other semantic isoglosses in the Hindu Kush-Karakoram2017In: Book of Abstracts, 2017Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Hindu Kush-Karakoram, or the mountain region of northern Pakistan, north-eastern Afghanistan and the northern-most part of Indian Kashmir, is home to approximately 50 languages belonging to six different genera: Indo-Aryan, Iranian, Nuristani, Tibeto-Burman, Turkic and the isolate Burushaski. Areality research in this region is only in its early stages, and while its significance as a convergence area has been suggested by several scholars (Toporov 1970; Èdel’man 1980; 1983:16; Bashir 1996; 2003:823; Tikkanen 1999; 2008; Baart 2014), only a few, primarily phonological and grammatical, features have been studied in a more systematic fashion. Cross-linguistic research in the realms of semantics and lexical organization has been given considerably less attention, but preliminary findings (Liljegren 2017:143–148; Koptjevskaja-Tamm & Liljegren 2017) indicate that features are geographically bundled with one another, across genera, in significant ways, displaying semantic areality on multiple levels throughout the region or in one or more of its sub-regions. A number of semantic features are being investigated in an ongoing areal-linguistic study, in which first-hand data has been collected from speakers of most of the region’s many languages.

    A highly promising domain for research is kinship systems and the way in which their distributions reflect cross-community relationships. Taking kinship terms for one’s parents and their siblings as an example, a number of the region’s centrally located languages have a basic term covering both ‘father’ and ‘father’s brother’ (often lexically distinct from ‘mother’s brother’), with the latter meaning becoming lexicalized in combinations with qualifying adjectives ‘big’ and ‘small’, where big father is one’s father’s older brother and small father is one’s father’s younger brother. Similarly, there is a widespread polysemy pattern for ‘mother’ and ‘mother’s sister’, but again with ‘big’ and ‘small’ only used for ‘mother’s sister’. This pattern, found in a number of Indo-Aryan and Nuristani languages also reflects what has been posited as the ancestral kin terminology of Burushaski (Parkin 1987:165), the region’s only language isolate, while also being the terminology used in Balti, the nearest Tibeto-Burman neighbour. In contrast, languages in a southern belt instead uses a maximum differentiating terminology (F≠FB≠MB≠M≠MZ≠FZ), thus aligning itself with lowland Punjabi kin organization; and at the northwestern periphery, a cluster of languages, Indo-Aryan as well as Iranian, instead use an “aunt” (MZ=FZ≠M) and “uncle” (FB=MB≠F) terminology.

    Comparisons are made between the geographical distribution of kinship systems and those of a few other convergence features similarly related to the organization of entire semantic domains (particularly numerals, calendrical expressions, spatial reference and demonstratives), polysemy sharing, shared lexico-constructional patterns and area-specific lexicalizations. In a few cases, particular patterns or configurations cluster both with one another, with the presence of other linguistic features (for example rare phoneme sets, contrasting constructions and kinship suffixes) as well as with non-linguistic factors such as shared cultural values or religious (particularly pre-Muslim) identities and a long history of close cross-community interaction and intermarriage (Liljegren & Svärd 2017).

     

  • 7.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Competing forces and the emergence of areality: The Hindu Kush as a natural laboratory2017In: Book of abstracts, 2017Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The under-researched Hindu Kush-Karakoram region (NE Afghanistan, N Pakistan and N Kashmir) with its 50 densely situated language communities, representing 6 genera, provides unique opportunities for studying the many, often competing, forces at work in the typological fine-tuning of a selected geographical area. By applying Koptjevskaja-Tamm’s (2010:584) guidelines for areal-linguistic research, 5 linguistic domains (retroflexion, gender, alignment, numerals and spatial reference) were investigated – for a tight sample and partly by novel field data – and their respective micro-typologies were evaluated against wider distributions, as well as against Nichol’s (2003) stability predictions, each of the domains illustrating a different profile in terms of diversity, family-internal stability, cross-linguistic diffusion, sub-areality or inclusion in region-external configurations.

    A number of languages, particularly in the central–northern parts of the region, are characterized by large retroflex inventories. While retroflex plosives have a wide distribution in South Asia, regional languages in 5 of the 6 genera include an additional set of fricative/affricate retroflex consonants. Grammatical gender is present in four of the six genera. In Indo-Aryan, the region’s largest phylogenetic component, an inherited sex-based system persists but is more pervasive in the East, i.e. contiguous with the main Indo-Aryan belt of the Subcontinent, whereas it overlaps with an animacy-based system in the SW and has been entirely “replaced” by such a system in the NW adjacent to similarly gender-deprived or gender-less languages. A combination of sex and animacy as a basis for gender characterizes Burushaski’s 4-gender system, the region’s only language isolate, thus hinting at possible substratal influences. Ergative alignment is evidenced in 5 of the 6 genera. The distribution of particular alignment patterns, however, illustrates how sub-areas participate in a few wide-spread configurations that conflate in the region, see Liljegren (2014). Overt case-marking of patients characterizes the West, which extends to a large, Persian-dominated, area. Overt, tense-aspect-independent, case-marking of agents characterizes an area in the East, linking it to Tibetan-dominated regions of the Himalayas. Patient agreement in the perfective is a strong feature of the South, i.e. contiguous with the influential Hindi-Urdu belt. As for numerals, there is a dominance of vigesimal systems across the region, including 5 of the 6 genera, but in addition there is a distinct sub-areal distribution of numeral composition, with a consistent 10+n/20+n structure along the northern fringe, continuing into the Pamirs, a consistent n+10/n+20 structure in the southeastern parts (thus contiguous with the dominant languages of the Subcontinent which, although decimal, share this compositional structure), while languages distributed in a central west-to-east belt display a mixed (n+10/20+n) structure, see Liljegren (2017:143–145). Finally, the study reveals the presence of a common geomorphic system of spatial reference in a subarea in the West, whereas it seems absent in other parts of the region. These languages encode the inclination of the mountain slope as well as the flow of the river. While this system reflects the topography of the surrounding landscape, the emergence and pervasiveness of it seems linked to language contact, clustering significantly with a few other features (Liljegren & Svärd 2017) and coincides with the boundaries of an area that only recently came under the influence of Islam (Klimburg 2008; Jettmar, Jones & Klimburg 1975:394).     

    Finally, an attempt is made at characterizing the Hindu Kush in its entirety along a scale of diversity—homogeneity.   

  • 8.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Hindukush-Karakoram as a Linguistic Area: Problems and Prospects2015In: Abstract Book: The 2nd Kashmir International Conference on Linguistics, 2015Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The Hindukush, Karakoram, and Western-most Himalayan mountain region – comprising northern Pakistan, northeastern Afghanistan and the territories of Kashmir on both sides of the LOC – is characterized by great linguistic and cultural diversity. The 40-50 distinct language varieties spoken in the region belong to various genera (Indo-Aryan, Iranian, Nuristani, Tibeto-Burman, Turkic and the isolate Burushaski) and a number of different languages serve as lingua franca. It is also a transit zone between the cultural spheres of South Asia, Central Asia, and  the Himalayas.

    On the one hand, there are linguistic features shared by a large number of the region’s languages (Bashir 2003, 821–823; Tikkanen 1999; 2008), in some cases as the result of prolonged language contact, in others – such as in the so-called “Dardic” group of Indo-Aryan – due to shared retention (Morgenstierne 1961, 139; Strand 2001). On the other, there is also a good deal of structural diversity. Instead of trying to simplify the picture by proposing another Linguistic Area (or Sprachbund), this presentation aims at outlining a more nuanced, fine-tuned, and typologically-enlightened, profile of this region, a region that I henceforth will refer to as the Greater Hindukush Region. Certain features are identified as macroareal (i.e. as characteristic of a much larger area which this region forms only a small part of), other features as linking features (i.e. linking a part of the region with a geographically adjacent area), yet others as essentially regional (i.e. Hindukush-specific), or features with a significant sub-regional scope. The framework and the terms used are largely the ones proposed by Masica (2001).

    Arriving at the present, yet tentative, “profile”, an empirical study was undertaken, whereby a substantial number of traits (phonological, morphological, syntactic, and lexical—many of them overlapping with those of WALS (Haspelmath 2005), the World Atlas of Language Structure) were taken into account, drawing from the author’s own fieldwork in the region, collaboration with several native-speaker consultants, as well as from studies undertaken in the past by other scholars. Among the features discussed are: a tripartite differentiation within the affricate and fricative subsets (Tikkanen 2008, 255), the emergence of tonal contrasts (Baart 2003; Liljegren 2013), the display and degree of ergativity (Liljegren 2014), the presence vs. absence of gender distinctions, vigesimal numeral systems, multi-dimensional deictic contrasts, shared derivational pathways in kinship differentiation, double-marked contrastive constructions, and the prevalence of complex predicates (Liljegren 2010).

    While the treatment is primarily a synchronic one, we will also have to assume several layers of settlement and highly complex patterns of language contact even in a distant past. In addition, there are strong indications that several ancient substrata (the proto-language of Burushaski most likely one of them) have made important contributions to shaping the present-day typologies (Tikkanen 1988, 304; Zoller 2005, 16–18; Bashir 1996, 203).

  • 9.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Micro-areality meets macro-areality in the Hindu Kush-Karakoram2018In: Book of abstracts / [ed] Olga Spevak, 2018Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The high-altitude Hindu Kush-Karakoram region covering north-eastern Afghanistan, northern-most Pakistan and Kashmir, is for the Eurasian context particularly diverse with its approximately 50 languages belonging to six genera (Indo-Aryan, Iranian, Nuristani, Turkic, Tibeto-Burman, Burushaski). While it has been claimed to constitute a significant linguistic convergence area (Toporov 1970; Èdel’man 1980; 1983:16; Bashir 1996; 2003:823; Tikkanen 1999; 2008; Baart 2014) largely overlapping with a distinct religious-cultural sphere (Jettmar 1975; Cacopardo & Cacopardo 2001), relatively little systematic research has been carried out, often based on small, non-representative samples. Those studies were also largely limited to a few phonological and grammatical features.

    The present project aims at revisiting those claims by: a) using very tight sampling, b) applying a high degree of feature aggregation, and c) striving for high granularity in determining the nature of areality and long-term contact patterns in the region. While utilizing available descriptions, priority was given to obtaining comparable sets of first-hand data, gathered in five “collaborative elicitation workshops” arranged in various locations in the region with invited native-speaker consultants. The elicitation package consists of: a) a 40-word list, based on the Automated Similarity Judgment Program (Wichmann, Holman & Brown 2016); b) a list of numerals; c) a 96-item kinship list; d) a sentence questionnaire, based on the Leipzig Valency Classes Project (Hartmann, Haspelmath & Taylor 2013); e) a translation of the ‘Northwind and the Sun’ fable; d) the Pear Story video (Chafe 1980) used as a stimulus for obtaining a natural narrative; and, e) an abbreviated and slightly adapted version of Wilkin’s demonstrative questionnaire (1999). The resulting data sets (comprising 54 data points as of late 2017) were used as a source for exploring multiple features: lexical, phonological, morphological and syntactic. The analysis uses WALS-features, as well as a number of novel WALS-like features, as its starting point, but allows for discovering fine-grained distinctions made by individual languages, thereby allowing for higher resolution in typological classification.

    The features subject to study so far are e.g., the inventory and size of retroflex and affricate subsets, kinship terminology, numeral bases/composition, alignment patterns (case marking and verbal agreement), the presence and nature of gender/animacy distinctions, the presence and nature of spatial and geomorphic coding, basic word order, and the order of adposition and noun phrase. The emerging distribution shows partly contradictory results, but at the same time gives evidence to historical contact patterns in the central parts of the region while reflecting ongoing encroachment of surrounding macro-areas (such as the South Asian linguistic area and a Persian-dominated area of West and Central Asia) on the present-day region. A possible interpretation of those patterns is that different features reflect separate stages of ongoing fragmentation of an old “refuge” zone (possibly a continuous one extending throughout the entire Himalayan region (Nichols 1992:21)), in which the language isolate Burushaski probably played a non-trivial role (Hock 2015; Tikkanen 1988) along with other languages or language families now only detectable as substrata.

  • 10.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Multi-level lexical convergence along the Silk Road2013In: 46th Annual Meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europaea: Book of abstracts / [ed] Bert Cornillie and María Sol Sansiñena Pascual, Split, 2013, p. 213-214Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This preliminary study, partly based on fieldwork data, partly on available descriptions, looks at lexical convergence resulting from language contact in the Greater Hindu Kush (northern Pakistan, north-eastern Afghanistan, and Kashmir), a region characterized by a combination of linguistic diversity (including Indo-Iranian, Nuristani, Tibeto-Burman and the isolate Burushaski), a high level of multilingualism and by serving as an age-old transit zone between South, West, and Central Asia (Tikkanen 1988; Bashir 2003, 821–823). A few influential “culture carriers” of change are: Islam; a common Persian culture; poetry; and, in more recent times, media in which regional lingua franca-filtered English plays an increasing role. The lexical convergence can be observed on three interrelated levels: a) a micro-level characterized by shared internal semantic structure, b) a mid-level, whereby the structure of entire semantic domains display significant similarities, and c) a macro-level, with shared features of lexicon organization.

    The first level encompasses single lexemes across languages, e.g. shared specializations (Kamviri (Strand 2013): nuč ‘three days ago’, nutrí ‘the day before yesterday’, dus ‘yesterday’, strák ɡaaǰaar ‘today’, daalkẽ́ ‘tomorrow’, aatrí ‘the day after tomorrow’, aačǘ ‘three days hence’; Dameli (Morgenstierne 1942, 137–178, Emil Perder pc.): učoo/čoo diyoo,itrii, doos, mu(n)dya, beraa, truida, čoo/čooa ki, respectively), shared polysemy (Kalasha (Trail and Cooper 1999, 112): ɡríik; Pashto: axistəl ‘take’ – ‘buy’), and metaphorical extensions (Kashmiri: toon; Palula: šidáalu ‘cold’—‘hostile, unkind’). The second level is defined by semantic domains, and includes lexical relations between semantically related concepts (Khowar: ma oraru ɡoyan [lit. to-me sleep is coming] ‘I’m feeling sleepy’ vs. xaphosi parir ‘Xaposi sleeps’; Palula: asaám húluk dítu de [lit. on-us heat is fallen] ‘We were feeling hot’  vs. anú wíi táatu ‘This water is hot’; where the subjective experience is expressed as the stimulus coming to the experiencer) and shared derivational pathways, such as a participial ‘attaching’ marking the “manipulee” in causative constructions (Kalasha (Trail and Cooper 1999, 289; Bashir 2003, 823): a ísa aawái, ɡoník čhinawáis ‘I had him break the stick’; Kalam Kohistani (Baart 1999, 94–95): yä murād ā ǰämāl bakānt ‘I’m making Murad beat up Jamal’). The third level is probably the most interesting, as it facilitates lower-level convergence. One example is the gradual substitution of the single verb inventory by “new” complex predicates (Ladakhi: ban-coces (cf. indigenous satces); Indus Kohistani (Zoller 2005, 301): bʌ́n karʌ́v̄; Pashto bandawəl [lit. closed-do] ‘to turn off’, modelled on Urdu band karnaa). Other examples are the prevalence of co-lexicalized intensifiers (Burushaski (Berger 1998, 226–227): qhal-matúm ‘pitch black’; Gilgiti Shina: khutún šaróo ‘full autumn’, the first component often being a unique lexical unit) and the presence of cross-cutting pro-categories, reflecting multiple deictic contrasts (Kohistani Shina (Schmidt and Kohistani 2008, 97–98): paár ajóo ‘over there where I point’, paár adí ‘right over there’, paár asdí ‘right over there somewhere’, pér adí ‘over there (near, known but invisible)’, pér asdí ‘over there (out of sight)’; Kashmiri (Koul 2003, 914): kūtāh ‘how much?’, yūtāh ‘this much’, hūtāh ‘that much (within sight)’, tˈūtāh that much (out of sight)’).

    References

    Baart, Joan L. G. 1999. A Sketch of Kalam Kohistani Grammar. Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies  Quaid-i-Azam University and Summer Institute of Linguistics.

    Bashir, Elena L. 2003. “Dardic.” In The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. George Cardona and Danesh Jain, 818–894. 1 Mul. London: Routledge.

    Berger, Hermann. 1998. Die Burushaski-Sprache von Hunza und Nager 3. Wörterbuch. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

    Koul, Omkar N. 2003. “Kashmiri.” In The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. George Cardona and Danesh Jain, 895–952. 1 Mul. London: Routledge.

    Morgenstierne, Georg. 1942. “Notes on Dameli: A Kafir-Dardic Dialect of Chitral.” NTS 12: 115–198.

    Schmidt, Ruth Laila, and Razwal Kohistani. 2008. A Grammar of the Shina Language of Indus Kohistan. Beiträge Zur Kenntnis Südasiatischer Sprachen and Literaturen 17. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

    Strand, Richard F. 2013. “Richard Strand’s Nuristân Site: Lexicons of Kâmviri, Khowar, and Other Hindu-Kush Languages.” Accessed January 10. http://nuristan.info/lngFrameL.html.

    Tikkanen, Bertil. 1988. “On Burushaski and Other Ancient Substrata in Northwestern South Asia.” Studia Orientalia 64: 3030–325.

    Trail, Ronald L, and Gregory R Cooper. 1999. Kalasha dictionary with English and Urdu. Islamabad; United Kingdom: National Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University ; Summer Institute of Linguistics.

    Zoller, Claus Peter. 2005. A Grammar and Dictionary of Indus Kohistani: Volume 1, Dictionary. Trends in Linguistics 21-1. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

     

  • 11.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Northwestern Indo-Aryan and the rise of diversity in the Hindu Kush-Karakoram2017In: Book of abstracts: SALA-33, 2017Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Building on Nichols (2003), this is an attempt at characterizing the multilingual Hindu Kush-Karakoram region (northeastern Afghanistan, northern Pakistan and northernmost Kashmir) in terms of genetic stability and structural diversity, and a further development of the micro-typology suggested in Liljegren (2017). It also addresses the issue of areality or sub-areality. The structural features surveyed include grammatical gender, alignment, kinship and geomorphic systems. As the dominant phylogenetic component of the Hindukush-Karakoram is Indo-Aryan, regional representatives of that particular group (of which the majority were collectively referred to as “Dardic” in the past) are the main focus of the study, but naturally references will be made throughout to languages belonging to other genera in the region (Iranian, Nuristani, Tibeto-Burman, Turkic and Burushaski) as well as to Indo-Aryan in general. The features have been selected in order to represent (relatively) independent variables, each of them illustrating a unique (areal and sub-genetic) distribution, shaped by a variety of factors and competing forces at work.

    The inherited sex-based gender system largely prevails in Hindu Kush Indo-Aryan (henceforth HKIA), with most of the languages making a two-way masculine vs. feminine distinction in their noun lexicons. However, at closer inspection, these languages – in spite of their relatedness – display a few signs of significant diversification: 1. The pervasiveness of such sex-based gender is stronger (and perhaps further strengthened) in the Southeast than elsewhere, i.e. among languages spoken adjacent to the main Indo-Aryan belt. 2. It is missing altogether in two languages spoken in the opposite geographic extreme, i.e. the Northwest (as earlier pointed out by Emeneau (1965:68–71) and Bashir (2003:823)), and is on the retreat in yet another neighbouring language (all three characterized by an animacy-contrast of low complexity). 3. The Southwest stands out with a few languages that instead combine their inherited sex-based gender with animacy-related distinctions and thereby form highly complex agreement patterns.

    As for alignment patterns, the HKIA languages display a great range of variation (as laid out in further detail in (Liljegren 2014)). The diversity is primarily evidenced in the case marking of core argument noun phrases and verbal person marking properties. As many as six distinct alignment types have been identified, each reflecting contact-induced changes that can be attributed to three significant areas that conflate in the region: 1. A large Persian-dominated area overlaps with the Western part of the region, characterized by overt patient marking. 2 An area in the East, with e.g. ancient Tibetan influences, is characterized by overt agent marking. 3 An area in the South, bordering on the influential Hindi-Urdu belt, is characterized by patient agreement in the perfective.

    For kinship as a feature, the present study is restricted to the lexical items used for one’s parents and their siblings. Here, too a great deal of variation is displayed, with a total of six verified configurations. In essence, however, the distribution is the result of three competing systems (the remaining three constituting hybrids), each with a clear geographical distribution: 1. A maximum differentiating terminology, with six different terms (F≠FB≠MB/M≠MZ≠FZ) dominates in a southern belt, thus aligning itself with Punjabi kinship systems. 2. A pattern F=FB≠MB/M=MZ≠FZ is an eastern or northeastern feature, possibly reflecting the ancestral terminology of Burushaski (Parkin 1987:165) and the one used in Balti, the nearest Tibeto-Burman neighbour; if looking at the distribution of F=FB only, it appears typical of the languages spoken in an uninterrupted central belt, stretching all the way from the extreme Southwest to the extreme Northeast. 3. An “aunt” and “uncle” terminology (F≠FB=MB/M≠MZ=FZ) is found in the Northwest (consistently so in a single HKIA language), with obvious reflexes in adjacent non-Indo-Aryan communities in the Pamir.     

    Although deserving a more careful cross-linguistic study, a preliminary survey reveals the presence of a geomorphic system of spatial reference in a few of the HKIA languages spoken in a subarea in the West, whereas it seems virtually absent in other parts of the larger region. Languages in this subarea (along with neighbouring Nuristani languages) linguistically encode the inclination of the mountain slope, the flow of the river as well as boundary-crossing. This partly confirms Palmer’s (2015) so-called Topographic Correspondence Hypothesis, predicting that a language’s system of spatial reference will reflect the topography of the surrounding landscape. However, that the emergence and pervasiveness of such a system is further conditioned by language contact, is evidenced by the subareal clustering of a few other structural features –retroflex vowels, pronominal kinship suffixes and bisyndetic contrast marking (Liljegren & Svärd Forthcoming) – coinciding with the boundaries of “Peristan”, an area that until relatively recently constituted a pre-Islamic cultural sphere with Nuristan (previously referred to as Kafiristan) as its most prominent local centre of influence (Cacopardo & Cacopardo 2001: 249–250; Klimburg 2008; Jettmar, Jones & Klimburg 1975: 394).

     

  • 12.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Notes on Kalkoti: A Shina Language with Strong Kohistani Influences2013In: Linguistic Discovery, ISSN 1537-0852, E-ISSN 1537-0852, Vol. 11, no 1, p. 129-160Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper presents some novel and hard-to-access data from Kalkoti, an Indo-Aryan language spoken in northern Pakistan. The particular focus is on showing how this Shina variety in a relatively short time span has drifted apart from its closest known genealogical relatives and undergone significant linguistic convergence with a Kohistani variety in whose vicinity Kalkoti is presently spoken. Among other features, we explore what seems like an ongoing process of tonogenesis as well as structural “copying” in the realm of tense and aspect.

  • 13.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Profiling Indo-Aryan in the Hindukush-Karakoram: A preliminary study of micro-typological patterns2017In: Journal of South Asian languages and linguistics, ISSN 2196-0771, E-ISSN 2196-078X, Vol. 4, no 1, p. 107-156Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The study is a typological profile of 31 Indo-Aryan (IA) languages in the Hindukush-Karakoram-Western Himalayan region (covering NE Afghanistan, N Pakistan, and parts of Kashmir). Native speakers were recruited to provide comparative data. This data, supplemented by reputable descriptions or field notes, was evaluated against a number of WALS- or WALS-like features, enabling a fine-tuned characterization of each language, taking different lin-guistic domains into account (phonology, morphology, syntax, lexicon). The emerging patterns were compared with global distributions as well as with characteristic IA features and well-known areal patterns. Some features, mainly syntactic, turned out to be shared with IA in general, whereas others do have scattered reflexes in IA outside of the region but are especially prevalent in the region: large consonant inventories, tripartite pronominal case alignment, a high frequency of left-branching constructions, and multi-degree deictic sys-tems. Yet other features display a high degree of diversity, often bundling subareally. Finally, there was a significant clustering of features that are not characterizing IA in general: tripartite affricate differentiation, retroflexion across several subsets, aspiration contrasts involving voiceless consonants only, tonal contrasts and 20-based numerals. This clustering forms a “hard core” at the centre of the region, gradually fading out toward its peripheries.

  • 14.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Review: A Grammar of the Shina Language of Indus Kohistan by Ruth Laila Schmidt and Razwal Kohistani: (Beiträge zur Kenntnis südasiatischer Sprachen and Literaturen, 17. Herausgeben von Dieter B. Kapp)2008In: Himalayan Linguistics, ISSN 1544-7502, E-ISSN 1544-7502, no 6, p. 1-7Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 15.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Supporting and sustaining language vitality in northern Pakistan2018In: The Routledge Handbook of Language Revitalization / [ed] Leanne Hinton, Leena Huss, Gerald Roche, New York: Routledge, 2018, p. 427-437Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Northern Pakistan is linguistically and culturally very diverse. Nearly 30 languages—representing a wide span, numerically and vitality-wise—are spoken in this mountainous region, sharing ties with adjacent areas of neighboring countries. Although most of these languages have received little outside recognition, there have been few restrictions for those wanting to promote their languages. Therefore, a number of sustaining efforts have been made in recent years, exemplified throughout the chapter: collaborative fieldwork, the formation of language organizations, training in documentation, the development of orthographies, publications, the introduction of mother-tongue schools, and lobbying for the region’s languages. Evaluating some of those activities and their effectiveness in terms of language maintenance and revitalization, some key factors stand out: community ownership, institutional support, pooling of resources, and multi-community collaboration. The observations and subsequent analysis are informed by the author’s own long-term involvement in the development of the Forum for Language Initiatives.

  • 16.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    The Dangari Tongue of Choke and Machoke: Tracing the proto-language of Shina enclaves in the Hindu Kush2009In: Acta Orientalia, ISSN 0001-6438, E-ISSN 1600-0439, no 70, p. 7-62Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Data from four little-studied varieties of Indo-Aryan (Southern Palula, Northern Palula, Sawi and Kalkoti) spoken in the Hindu Kush is analyzed and discussed from a historical-comparative perspective. Evidence is presented showing that Kalkoti, until recently only tentatively classified, is part of this particular cluster of closely-related Shina varieties. An attempt is made at reconstructing some phonological and grammatical features of a common source speech, here named Proto-Dangari, and the order in which the present-day varieties may have split off. An important conclusion drawn is that Southern and Northern Palula probably are more distantly related than present-day similarities seem to indicate, the high degree of synchronic similarity instead being due to relatively recent convergence taking place in southern Chitral. It is hypothesized that the present speech communities are the result of two different westward routes of migration, one geographically linking Southern Palula (Ashreti) and Sawi with Chilas, the other linking Northern Palula (Biori) and Kalkoti with Tangir, both located in the same general area of the main Indus Valley.

  • 17.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    The linguistic identity of the Greater Hindu Kush, a transit zone between South and Central Asia2012In: 45th Annual Meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europaea: Book of Abstracts / [ed] Bert Cornillie and María Sol Sansiñena Pascual, Stockholm, 2012, p. 187-188Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Regardless of the particular view one takes on areality, there are a number of reasons for trying to characterize the accumulation of languages in the highland region between, or simultaneously belonging to, South Asia (or the Indian subcontinent) and Central Asia.  This region is, to borrow the words of one of the foremost experts on South Asian linguistics, “where conflicting areal patterns meet and interact, and many peculiar languages (‘Dardic’, Burushaski [a language isolate], the Pamir group of Eastern Iranian), at once archaic and innovating, find their home” (Masica 2001:225). To the aforementioned mix should be added Tibeto-Burman Balti, spoken in the eastern part of this region, and the Nuristani languages in the border region between northern Pakistan and Afghanistan, the latter now considered a third branch of Indo-Iranian (on par with Indo-Aryan and Iranian). Historically we will have to assume several layers of settlement and highly complex patterns of language contact in this extremely mountainous region, and there are strong indications that several ancient substrata (the proto-language of Burushaski most likely one of them) have made important contributions to the resulting typologies (Tikkanen 1988:304).

    In the present study a substantial number of features (phonological, morphological, syntactic, and lexical) are taken into account in order to arrive at a non-speculative typological profile of the region. The author draws from his own fieldwork in the region, collaborating with several native-speaker consultants,  as well as from language-specific studies carried out by other researchers. In an initial stage, an intragenealogical typology of the Indo-Aryan cluster, native to and linguistically dominant in the region (often, although controversially, referred to as ‘Dardic’, see Bashir 2003:822; Strand 2001:258; Zoller 2005:10–11), is established, by investigating a sample representing each of the tentatively classified subgroups of ‘Dardic’. This is meant to shed further light on the still ongoing but very challenging classification work. This is projected to be followed up by a more extensive cross-genera comparison of the same features.

    A number of convergence features that are of particular relevance to this region have been identified (many of them confirming suggestions made by Bashir (Bashir 2003:821–823) and Tikkanen (1999; 2008). Some of those are macroareal features that either characterize South Asia at large (or the larger part of it), such as the presence of retroflex stops and non-nominative experiencers, or large parts of Central Asia, such as a contrast between velar and uvular stops and the presence of a vigesimal numeral system. Other features are better described as subareal, some covering a substantial part of the region, such as a the presence of retroflex affricates as well as fricatives, contrasting with corresponding dental and palatal sounds, and the optionality of copula verbs in nominal and adjectival predication, other features characterizing more limited subsets of (often geographically adjacent) languages, such as grammaticalization of evidentiality and animacy distinctions, multi-differentiating deictic systems, a preferred order subordinate clause followed by main clause, the development of tonal/accentual systems, the use of co-lexicalized intensifiers, and a great variety in alignment patterns and in the display and degree of ergativity.

    References:

    Bashir, Elena L. 2003. “Dardic.” Pp. 818-894 in The Indo-Aryan Languages, edited by George Cardona and Danesh Jain. London: Routledge.

    Masica. 2001. “The definition and significance of linguistic areas: Methods, pitfalls, and possibilities (with special reference to the validity of South Asia as a linguistic area).” Pp. 205-267 in The yearbook of South Asian languages and linguistics 2001. London: SAGE.

    Strand, Richard F. 2001. “The tongues of Peristân. Appendix 1.” in Gates of Peristan: History, Religion and Society in the Hindu Kush, Reports and memoirs, edited by Alberto M Cacopardo and Augusto S Cacopardo. Rome: IsIAO.

    Tikkanen, Bertil. 1988. “On Burushaski and other ancient substrata in northwestern South Asia.” Studia Orientalia 64:3030-325. Retrieved January 4, 2012.

    Tikkanen, Bertil. 1999. “Archaeological-linguistic correlations in the formation of retroflex typologies and correlating areal features in South Asia.” Pp. 138-148 in Archaeology and language. London: Routledge.

    Tikkanen, Bertil. 2008. “Some areal phonological isoglosses in the transit zone between South and Central Asia.” Pp. 250-262 in Proceedings of the third International Hindu Kush Cultural Conference. Karachi: Oxford University Press.

    Zoller, Claus Peter. 2005. A Grammar and Dictionary of Indus Kohistani: Volume 1, Dictionary. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

     

  • 18.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Where have all the verbs gone? On verb stretching and semi-words in Indo-Aryan Palula.2010In: Himalayan Linguistics, ISSN 1544-7502, E-ISSN 1544-7502, Vol. 9, no 1, p. 51-79Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The prevalence of complex predicates consisting of a verb component (verbalizer) and a non-verb component (host) is well-known from descriptions of languages in large parts of West and South Asia. Looking particularly at data from the hitherto less-studied Indo-Aryan Palula (Chitral Valley, Pakistan), we will explore their position within the total verb lexicon. Instead of regarding the verbalizers and hosts as building blocks that due to their respective properties license particular argument structures, as has been done in some previous descriptions, I propose that it is the construction as a whole, and its semantics, that assigns case and selects arguments. Rather than seeing a strict dichotomy between verbalizers (also called “light verbs”) used in complex predicates and the corresponding simple verbs, a few highly generic verbs (BECOME, DO, GIVE) seem to be exposed to a high degree of “stretching”. As such they stand as syntactic models – basic argument templates (BAT) – when forming novel complexes, sometimes involving host elements that lack a lexical identity of their own (hence semi-words) in the language as of today.

  • 19.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Akhunzada, Fakhruddin
    Linguistic diversity, vitality and maintenance: A case study on the language situation in northern Pakistan2017In: Multiethnica. Meddelande från Centrum för multietnisk forskning, Uppsala universitet, ISSN 0284-396X, no 36-37, p. 61-79Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The multilingual and multicultural region of northern Pakistan, which has approximately 30 distinct languages, is described and evaluated from the perspective of language vitality, revealing the diverse and complex interplay of language policies, community attitudes and generational transmission. Based on the experience of conscious language maintenance efforts carried out in the area, some conclusions are offered concerning the particular effectiveness of regional networking and non-governmental institution support to promote local languages and sustain their vitality in times of great change.

  • 20.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Haider, Naseem
    Facts, feelings and temperature expressions in the Hindukush2015In: The Linguistics of Temperature / [ed] Maria Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2015, p. 440-470Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Indo-Aryan Palula (Pakistan) is spoken in a part of the mountainous Hindukush region characterised by sharp climatic and altitude contrasts. In this study, five central temperature terms are investigated and related to tactile temperature, ambient temperature and experiencer-based (i.e. personal-feeling) temperature: táatu ‘hot/warm’, šidáalu ‘cold’, húluk ‘heat’, šidaloó ‘coolness’, and šid ‘coldness’. A few salient correlations between particular expressions and the type of experience involved are identified: First, temperature adjectives are restricted to the domain of rational experience, whereas temperature nouns typically are associated with expressions that refer to thermal (and subjective) comfort or ambient temperature. Second, while temperature evaluated or measured directly by touching an entity tends to be grammatically encoded as noun modification, the subjective experience is expressed with the temperature noun as a stimulus acting upon a non-nominative experiencer. Finally we discuss a few semantic extensions into the human temperament/propensity domain, such as ‘affection is warmth’ and ‘anger is heat’.

  • 21.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Haider, Naseem
    Forum for Language Initiatives, Islamabad, Pakistan.
    Palula: Illustrations of the IPA2009In: Journal of the International Phonetic Association, ISSN 0025-1003, E-ISSN 1475-3502, Vol. 39, no 3, p. 381-386Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 22.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Haider, Naseem
    Palula texts2015Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The main purpose of this volume is to provide a complement to "Towards a grammatical description of Palula" (Liljegren 2008) and "Palula vocabulary" (Liljegren & Haider 2011). A collection of texts representing various genres (historical narratives, ethnographic accounts, personal experiences, proverbs, etc.) have been transcribed and annotated, including morphological analysis, a free translation into English and an orthographic representation (Perso-Arabic based) of the transcribed text. The work is the result of linguistic research in and with the Palula community (Pakistan). Henrik Liljegren is a field linguist at Stockholm University, Sweden, and Naseem Haider, himself a native speaker of Palula, is a local researcher with the Forum for Language Initiatives in Islamabad.

  • 23.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Haider, Naseem
    Forum for Language Initiatives.
    Palula Vocabulary2011Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The main purpose of this volume is to provide a complement to Towards a grammatical description of Palula (Liljegren 2008). The 1460 main entries included in the present work are limited to those lexical items that are cited or exemplified in the aforementioned work. The work is the result of linguistic research in and with the Palula community (Pakistan). It contains much of the basic vocabulary used in today's Palula, presented along with illustrative example sentences, grammatical information, and comments on word origins. Henrik Liljegren is a field linguist at Stockholm University, Sweden, and Naseem Haider, himself a native speaker of Palula, is a local researcher with the Forum for Language Initiatives in Islamabad.

  • 24.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Khan, Afsar Ali
    Khowar: Illustrations of the IPA2017In: Journal of the International Phonetic Association, ISSN 0025-1003, E-ISSN 1475-3502, Vol. 47, no 2, p. 219-229Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Khowar (ISO 639-3: khw) is an Indo-Aryan language spoken by 200,000–300,000 (Decker 1992: 31–32; Bashir 2003: 843) people in Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province (formerly North-West Frontier Province). The majority of the speakers are found in Chitral (a district and erstwhile princely state bordering Afghanistan, see Figure 1), where the language is used as a lingua franca, but there are also important pockets of speaker groups in adjacent areas of Gilgit-Baltistan and Swat District as well as a considerable number of recent migrants to larger cities such as Peshawar and Rawalpindi (Decker 1992: 25–26). Its closest linguistic relative is Kalasha, a much smaller language spoken in a few villages in southern Chitral (Morgenstierne 1961: 138; Strand 1973: 302, 2001: 252). While Khowar has preserved a number of features (phonological, morphological as well as lexical) now lost in other Indo-Aryan languages of the surrounding Hindukush-Karakoram mountain region, it has, over time, incorporated a massive amount of lexical material from neighbouring or influential Iranian languages (Morgenstierne 1936) – and with it, new phonological distinctions. Certain features might also be attributable to formerly dominant languages (e.g. Turkic), or to linguistic substrates, either in the form of, or related to, the language isolate Burushaski, or other, now extinct, languages previously spoken in the area (Morgenstierne 1932: 48, 1947: 6; Bashir 2007: 208–214). There is relatively little dialectal variation among the speakers in Chitral itself, probably attributable to the relative recency of the present expansion of the language (Morgenstierne 1932: 50).

  • 25.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Rönnqvist, Hanna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    From left-branching to right-branching: Syntactic changes in the Hindukush under pressure from languages of wider communication2014In: Book of abstracts, 2014, p. 251-252Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In Hindukush languages spoken in the north-western regions of the Indian Subcontinent (particularly Indo-Aryan, sometimes referred to as “Dardic”), a variety of means are available within a complex construction to mark one clause as dependent on another. A subordinate clause may precede the main clause, whereby a complementizer is placed at the end of the subordinate clause: tu kíi baáanu thaní, khooǰóolu. ‘Where are you going? (he) asked‘ (Indo-Aryan Palula), or tu xató hatoɣoót doós reé, buhtuií astám,‘I was afraid that you might give him the letter’ (Indo-Aryan Khowar). A preposed subordinate clause can also be formed with a verbal noun, with or without case marker/postposition: nu ba asaám mhaar-anií the ukháatu de. ‘He had come up to kill us’ (Palula). Pre-nominal participials is another strategy, semantically corresponding to relative clauses in languages such as English: phaí, teeṇíi háa-tam čooṇṭéeli, rumiaál díti híni. ‘The girl gave him a handkerchief which she herself had embroidered’ (Palula). Alternatively, the subordinate clause can be placed after the main clause, in this case often making use of a complementizer ki (or something similar) preceding the subordinate clause: mhéeli i khooǰóolu, ki míi báabu koó. ‘(He) asked: Who is my father?’ (Palula), or, awá buhtaí astám, ki hatoɣóot doós reé. ‘I was afraid that you might give him the letter‘ (Khowar). In a survey covering an area from southern India through parts of southern Pakistan, Hook (1987) observed a significant pattern, whereby the order subordinate – main clause was gradually replaced by the order main clause—subordinate as one moves from the Dravidian South to the Iranian Northwest. While the survey did not include the Hindukush, Bashir (2003: 823), points out that left-branching (i.e. the order subordinate—main clause), like in Dravidian and in the Indo-Aryan languages spoken in their vicinity, is also characteristic of the extreme North of the Subcontinent. Bashir (1996: 177) proposes that left-branching in this northern region has come about as the result of ancient areal influences related to Central Asia, whereas right-branching (i.e. main clause—subordinate) and the use of ki is a feature more recently imported from influential languages spoken in South and West Asia. She further notes that the two constructions are used parallel in Khowar, and that the more recent construction may include the imported marker ki as well as the indigenous (a grammaticalization of ‘say’).In the present study, we investigated interlinear texts in a few Hindukush Indo-Aryan languages (Palula, Kalasha, Pashai, Gilgiti Shina, Kalam Kohistani), empirically testing Bashir‘s suggestion, and found that these, like Khowar, to a varying degree allow both constructions, with the left-branching alternative representing what seems like an older stratum of the languages, whereas the right-branching alternative most likely stems from massive Persian and, more recently, Urdu pressure as influential languages of literacy and wider communication. The distribution across different types of subordination within each language (Noonan 2007; Andrews 2007; Thompson et al. 2007), as well as quantitative differences between the languages in this regard, is presented and discussed.

  • 26.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Svärd, Erik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Bisyndetic Contrast Marking in the Hindukush: Additional Evidence of a Historical Contact Zone2017In: Journal of Language Contact : Evolution of Languages, ISSN 1877-4091, E-ISSN 1955-2629, Vol. 10, no 3, p. 450-484Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A contrastive (or antithetical) construction which makes simultaneous use of two separate particles is identified through a mainly corpus-based study as a typical feature of a number of lesser-described languages spoken in the Afghanistan-Pakistan borderland in the high Hindukush. The feature encompasses Nuristani languages (Waigali, Kati) as well as the Indo-Aryan languages found in their close vicinity (Palula, Kalasha, Dameli, Gawri), while it is not shared by more closely related Indo-Aryan languages spoken outside of this geographically delimited area. Due to a striking (although not complete) overlap with at least two other (unrelated) structural features, pronominal kinship suffixes and retroflex vowels, we suggest that a linguistic and cultural diffusion zone of considerable age is centred in the mountainous Nuristan-Kunar-Panjkora area.

1 - 26 of 26
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