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  • 1. Agbetsoamedo, Yvonne
    et al.
    Ameka, Felix
    Atintono, Samuel
    Koptjevskaja Tamm, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Temperature terms in the Ghanaian languages in a typological perspective2015Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This talk deals with the conceptualisation of temperature in some of the Ghanaian languages as reflected in their systems of central temperature terms, such as hot, cold, to freeze, etc. We will discuss these systems in the light of a large-scale cross-linguistic collaborative project, involving 35 researchers (including the present authors) and covering more than 50 genetically, areally and typologically diverse languages (Koptjevskaja-Tamm ed. 2015). The key questions addressed here are how the different languages carve up the temperature domain by means of their linguistic expressions, and how the temperature expressions are used outside of the temperature domain. Languages cut up the temperature domain among their expressions according to three main dimensions: TEMPERATURE VALUES (e.g., warming vs. cooling temperatures, or excessive heat vs. pleasant warmth), FRAMES OF TEMPERATURE EVALUATION (TACTILE, The stones are cold; AMBIENT, It is cold here; and PERSONAL-FEELING, I am cold), and ENTITIES whose “temperature” is evaluated.  Although the temperature systems are often internally heterogeneous, we may still talk about the main temperature value distinctions for the whole system. The Ghanaian languages favour the cross-linguistically preferred two-value systems, with water often described by a more elaborated system. An interesting issue concerns conventionalisation and frequency of expressions with a primary meaning outside of the temperature domain, for temperature uses. For instance, the conventionalised expressions for talking about ‘warm/hot’ in Ewe involve sources of heat (‘fire’) and bodily exuviae (‘sweat’). The Ghanaian languages often manifest numerous extended uses of their temperature terms. However, strikingly, none of them conforms to one of the most widely quoted conceptual metaphors, “affection is warmth” (Lakoff & Johnson 1999:50), which is also true for many other languages in (West) Africa and otherwise.

  • 2.
    Gerholm, Tove
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Imitation vs association in child-adult and child-child interaction2013Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The role of imitation in language development is debated and unclear (e.g., Meltzoff, 2011; Heyes, 2001; Paulus, 2012) in part because of the difficulty to define imitation. Is it when A copies an act or an utterance from B within a specific time frame, or is it when the goal of B is captured and executed by A, regardless of the means to reach the goal? Further, must A be aware that s/he imitated B, or should low-level cognitive mechanisms be regarded as imitation as well?

    The aim of the present study was to identify and describe imitative behaviors in young children as they appear in a longitudinal material of child-child and child-adult interaction. “Imitation” was defined as: any verbal/vocal/nonverbal act that i) occurs after an identical such act; ii) semantically and/or pragmatically repeats an earlier verbal/vocal/nonverbal act. An example of the first kind would be a child, A, clapping his hands against his head hollering “hallo” and another nearby child, B, starts doing the same while watching A. The second kind could be illustrated with a child, C, saying to another mother than his own “mommy there is no need to talk, you can just go straight away” to which his own mother says “I recognize that comment, that’s what I say to grandma”. While the first example appears to be a direct, situated, practice where instant imitation is taking place, the second is a sequence where a more or less formulaic verbalization is copied from some previous occasion/s and delivered in a situation where it appears to fit, an associated imitation.

    In the talk, different imitative behavioral will be illustrated and related to instant vs associated contextual aspects. It will be argued that both behaviors build on common mechanisms of learning (Schöner, 2009; Smith & Katz, 1996), that they appear in parallel throughout the ages studied (see below), but that they differ in cognitive – although not necessarily social – complexity, as well as in their part in language development and socialization routines.

    Data consists of 22 hours of video recordings of 5 Swedish families with in all 11 children. The children are in the ages 0;9 to 5;10 years old and were recorded during a period of 2 ½ years. The recordings were done in a home environment together with siblings and parents.

  • 3.
    Hammarberg, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Grigonyté, Gintaré
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Computational Linguistics.
    Non-Native Writers’ Errors – a Challenge to a Spell-Checker2014In: 1st Nordic workshop on evaluation of spellchecking and proofing tools (NorWEST2014), 2014, , p. 3Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Spell checkers are widely used and if they do their job properly are also highly useful. Usually they are built on the assumption that the text to be corrected is written by a mature native speaker. However non-native speakers are in an even greater need of using spell checkers than native speakers. On the other hand current spell checkers do not take the linguistic problems of learners into account and thus they are poor in identifying errors and supplying the adequate corrections. There is a number of linguistic complexities specific to non-native learners that a spell-checker would need to handle in order to be successful.

  • 4.
    heinat, fredrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Wiklund, Anna-Lena
    Restrictions on RC Extraction: Knowing men who sell flowers and escaping them2014Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 5.
    Klintfors, Eeva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Gustavsson, Lisa
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Schwarz, Iris-Corinna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Gerholm, Tove
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics. Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Marklund, Ulrika
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Modellering av förälder-barn interaktion (MINT): Komponenter hos audio-visuella ledtrådar och deras konsekvenser för språkinlärning2013Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Klintfors, Eeva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Gustavsson, Lisa
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Schwarz, Iris-Corinna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Gerholm, Tove
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics. Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Marklund, Ulrika
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Modelling parent-child interaction (MINT): components of audio visual cues and their consequences for language acquisition2013In: XIII Nordiska Barnspråkssymposiet, 8 - 9 November 2013, Stockholm, Sweden., 2013Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper presents an electroencephalography/event-related potential (EEG/ERP) study on perception of audio-visual cues in speech communication. Speech communication is known to be influenced by the presence of simultaneous articulatory gestures and other co-speech gestures. For example, hands are often used to keep the beat/rhythm of speech. Also perception in children with substantial experience of the fundamental components of speech, gestures and social-emotional behaviors, is known to be facilitated by articulatory and/or other gesture-cues in parent-child interaction. Opposed to earlier research performed as observations of the speech-gesture relationship in interactional behavior, the current study focuses on the neural mechanisms and cognitive processes that may underlie these behaviors. The current study is part of the recently started project “Modelling parent-child interaction (MINT)”, financed by the Marcus and Amalia Wallenberg Foundation. The project’s theoretical starting point lays within the connectionist tradition that views language acquisition as an emergent consequence of the interplay between the infant and the ambient linguistic environment, including sensory information of all modalities. To approach one of the sub goals of the project; to explain how audio-visual cues are perceived in infancy, the current paper reports on an EEG/ERP pilot study with adults. The subjects were presented congruent versus incongruent audio-visual pairings, for example acoustic information matching versus not matching the articulation shown. The results are discussed in the light of their potential contribution to better understand resource allocation while speaking and for clinicians/teachers to better identify and further develop treatments for children with developmental disorders.

  • 7.
    Klintfors, Eeva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Gustavsson, Lisa
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Schwarz, Iris-Corinna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    Gerhom, Tove
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Marklund, Ulrika
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, Phonetics.
    The Stockholm Babylab Multimodal Approach: Modelling Infant Language Acquisition Longitudinally from Parent-Child Interaction2013In: Proceedings of the 9th Workshop on Multimodal Corpora (MMC2013), September, 2013, Edinburgh, UK., 2013Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Auditory communicative interaction is in general best analyzed with the help of simultaneously recorded visual information about discourse objects and the positioning of interlocutors in space. Access to visual information is even more important in parent-child interaction since this type of communica-tion is largely based on use of contextual gestures, gaze and imitation. The un-derstanding of parent-child interaction benefits further from information on brain activation involved in speech processing. This paper introduces the Stockholm Babylab approach to study multimodal language learning in typi-cally developing infants and young children. Our effort is to build a multimodal corpus that incorporates EEG (electroencephalography) data in the model. Ap-plication fields are social signal processing (SSP), improvement of diagnosis of late or atypical language development, and further development of habilitation methods for individuals with neurocognitive and language deficits.   

  • 8.
    Koptjevskaja Tamm, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Swedish proper-name compounds in blogs: creativity, productivity and frequency2015In: Abstracts, 2015, p. 9-10Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    We investigate creativity, productivity and frequency of Swedish proper-name compounds following in the steps of Dahl (2003, 2008) and Kajanus (2005). These studies described several examples of Swedish compounding patterns based on a particular proper name that have manifested a gradual diachronic rise in the frequency of both types (by spreading to further stems) and tokens, i.e. have been gradually entrenched. Dahl’s most striking example is the explosive development of Swedish PropN-compounding with Palme as the first component, following on the important and highly salient event in the modern Swedish history, the murder of the Swedish prime-minister in 1986. In fact, many Palme-compounds are related to the “murder script”, with Palme often metonymic for the Palme murder and also for further compounds derived from it (by means of metonymical chains), cf. Palme+kulorna — ’the Palme bullets, i.e. the bullets found at some distance from the place of the Palme murder’, Palme+misstänkta — ‘Palme suspects, i.e. persons suspected of having committed the Palme murder’, Palme+utredningen ’the Palme investigation, i.e. the investigation of the Palme murder’, etc. In all these previous studies the data come from the Swedish press and novel corpus (86 mln words). Our research uses the Swedish Blog Sentences corpus containing 6 mlrd tokens from 46 mln blog posts in the period of 2010-2014 (Östling and Wirén. We focus on creativity, productivity and frequency of compounds based on several proper names that have been particularly salient in the discourse during the relevant period . We consider how the fluctuations in the type and token frequencies of the proper-name compouns correlate with the rises and falls in the frequency of the relevant proper names. Interestingly, there are very few highly frequent compounds – in fact, 1-2 for each of the proper names considered (e.g., Putinregimen ‘the Putin regime’, Zlatanboken ‘the Zlatan book’, Obamaadministrationen ‘the Obama administration’). On the other hand, each of the proper names ”generates” a high number of unique compounds, i.e. compounds that have only one occurrence in the whole corpus. Finally, there are also proper name compounds that are in-between the unique and the highly frequent ones, but this group is quite restricted.

  • 9.
    Koptjevskaja Tamm, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Temperature terms across languages: derivation, lexical stability and lexical universals2015In: Abstracts, 2015, p. 28-28Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this talk I will focus on the cross-linguistic regularities in the origin and development of temperature terms, such as ‘warm’ or ‘cold’, based on the data from about 40 languages in Koptjevskaja-Tamm (ed. 2015). The first question concerns motivational patterns typical for temperature terms, i.e., to what extent and by which word-formation strategies temperature terms are derived from expressions with other meanings. To give a few examples, some of the most frequent sources for ‘hot’ include, not surprisingly, such concepts as ‘burn’, ‘fire’, ‘boil’, ‘cook’, ‘sweat’, while those for ‘cold’ include ‘ice’, ‘shade’, ‘winter’, ‘brr’, ‘to become stiff’. In fact, the close relation between the conventionalised expressions for ‘warm/hot’ and those for ‘fire’ or ‘sweat’ in some languages raises the issue of whether the former do indeed belong to the basic or central temperature terms. In addition, there are many other sources for temperature terms. A fascinating group of questions related to the origin and development of temperature terms concerns their stability. For instance, do genetically related languages share temperature cognates? If they do, do the cognates have the same or similar meanings? What is the role of language contact in shaping the temperature term systems? It has been suggested in earlier research that central temperature terms are unusually stable, i.e. that they are typically «passed on essentially unchanged and with essentially no vocabulary turn-over across hundreds of generations of grammar&lexicon acquirers for thousands of years» (Plank 2010). However, the answers to the above listed questions differ for different languages, or for groups of languages. For instance, some of the central temperature terms across Indo-European turn out to be extremely stable, but these languages also testify to numerous instances of lexical replacement or addition of new temperature terms. The temperature terms in the two closely related Timor-Alor-Pantar languages Abui and Kamang and across the Nyulnyulan family are, on the contrary, strikingly dissimilar. Significantly, in all these cases, the meanings of cognates and their place in the overall temperature system of a language may be subject to significant variation.

  • 10.
    Koptjevskaja Tamm, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    IJzerman, Hans
    How our biology predisposes us to an "AFFECTION IS WARMTH" "metaphor", and how our environment changes its anchor2015In: 48th Annual Meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europea: Book of Abstracts / [ed] Alwin Kloekhorst, Martin Kohlberger, 2015, p. 83-84Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    "AFFECTION IS WARMTH" is one of the most widely quoted "universal" conceptual metaphors. Cognitive linguists suggest these to be conceptual, based on frequently used English expressions as “warm words, feelings”. In this talk, we will reflect on their cross-disciplinary collaboration, using both the findings of a large-scale cross-linguistic study of the meanings and uses of the temperature terms in the world’s languages and the insights from (social) psychology. Our first question –inspired by Geeraerts and Grondelaers (1995) –was to explore whether these reflect universal patterns or whether they are based on specific cultural traditions. Their presence across languages indeed varies considerably: while some languages demonstrate elaborated systems of such uses, quite a few lack them altogether, and yet others vary as to which temperature term has predominantly positive associations in its extended uses (e.g. ‘cold’rather than ‘warm’). This disconfirms the idea that this conceptual metaphor is universal, and further confirms suspicions from social psychology, which has falsified another basic assumption from conceptual metaphor theory –unidirectionality (IJzerman & Semin 2010). In the remainder, we first explore these patterns, and then provide first explorations for why they are likely to differ across languages. Perhaps surprisingly, the edited volume by Koptjevskaja-Tamm (2015) clearly reveals a significant variance in using temperature metaphors. Australian languages, Hup (Nadahup), Mapudungun (Araucanian), and Ojibwe (Algonquian) basically lack any extended use of temperature terms, while the 84SLE 2015 Book of AbstractsOceanic languages in Vanuatu and Nganasan (Uralic) have very few. This is in contrast both to some European and other Asian languages, but also to the African languages Ewe, Gbaya, Gurenɛ, Likpe, Sɛlɛɛ, Abui and Kamang (Timor-Alor-Pantar), and Yucatec Maya. These latter reveal a rich inventory of extended uses pertaining to their temperature terms, ranging from the more common ones, to the idiosyncratic ones. The actual cross-linguistic variation is both striking, thought-provoking, and calling for more research. Insights from (social) psychology may provide us with further answers for why such cross-cultural variation exists among languages. The most important reason is likely that temperature metaphors reflect how people deal with the metabolic demands of the environment. Thermoregulation is one of the most metabolically expensive activities across the animal kingdom. Other animals (and thus also humans) help regulate the temperature environment when this gets too cold, making a comfortable warm touch seem to answer basic biological necessities in mammalian sociality (Harlow & Suomi 1970; IJzerman et al. 2015). The second part of this talk will discuss the biological mechanisms behind social thermoregulation, and point to how others keeping us warm can help us answer to basic metabolic needs (cf. Beckes & Coan 2011; Beckes et al. 2014). From that, humans have developed so-called "cultural complements" to deal with the demands of the environment, and we will speculate that different linguistic metaphors are reflective of different metabolic needs across cultures, which are implemented according to different cultural practices (e.g., differences in touch) and rely on different needsdepending on the environment (e.g., different climates). Together, we discuss how language can facilitate culturally coordinated metabolism regulation, and thus point to the role of different attention-driving functions of linguistic –not conceptual –metaphors in cultural coordination.

  • 11.
    Koptjevskaja Tamm, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Miestamo, Matti
    Antonyms and derivational negation: a pilot study of cross-linguistic variation2015In: ALT 2015: 11th Conference of the Association for Linguistic Typology. August 1-3, 2015, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico, USA. Abstract Booklet, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico , 2015, p. 85-86Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Typological research on negation has mainly focused on clausal negation and on indefinite pronouns in the scope of negation (see Miestamo 2007 for an overview). Derivational affixes expressing negation (e.g., un- in unhappy or -less in powerless), have so far not figured in systematic typological studies. Zimmer's (1964) seminal study of affixal negation with adjectives is mainly restricted to a few well-known Indo-European languages; other families are given less attention. Semantically, derivational negation is closely connected to antonymy, which can be expressed by unrelated lexemes (lexical antonyms: small vs. big) or by means of overt derivational negation (morphological antonyms: happy vs. unhappy). Lexical and morphological antonymy do not necessarily exclude each other. E.g., Russian has regular triads of the kind bol’šoj ‘big’ – malen’kij ‘little’ – nebol’šoj ‘NEG.big’, and even tetrads, such as dobryj ‘kind’ – zloj ‘mean’ – nedobryj ‘NEG.kind’ – nezloj ‘NEG.mean’. Antonymy has been a popular topic in semantic theories and in logic (see Horn 2001). A central distinction is the one between contradictory vs. contrary opposites; the former are either–or (dead vs. alive), whereas the latter show a middle ground between the two poles (small vs. big). It has been suggested that languages have “canonical antonyms”, i.e. “a limited core of highly opposable couplings” (speed: slow/fast, luminosity: dark/light, strength: weak/strong, size small/large, width: narrow/wide, merit bad/good and thickness thin/thick) (Paradis & al. 2009). However, systematic typological studies of antonymy are lacking. This talk presents a cross-linguistic pilot study of antonymy and its expression by both lexical and overt morphological means. Our pilot sample includes 20 languages from different families and geographical areas. The data come from dictionaries and grammars as well as from a questionnaire sent to language experts. We focus on antonymy in property words (adjectives), more specifically in such forms that can be used as adnominal modifiers, with the goal to find correlations between semantic and formal properties of antonyms. From the formal point of view, we will pay attention to the type of marking (e.g., prefix vs. suffix), to the number of different derivational negators in a language, whether these markers can be used on other word classes than property words and how they are related to other negative markers in the language, primarily to clausal negation. Taking in semantics, we will observe what types of opposition (contrary vs. contradictory, scalar vs. non-scalar etc.) and which domains (evaluation, size, dimension, temperature etc.) are expressed by lexical antonyms vs. each attested type of overt morphological marking. Specific hypotheses to be tested against the cross-linguistic data include the following. Evaluatively positive members of an antonym pair are more likely to accept morphological negation (unclever vs. *unstupid). The existence of a lexical antonym may block the possibility of morphological marking and if triads (or tetrads) exist, there will be cross-linguistically recurring ways in which the meanings of the lexical vs. morphological antonyms are related to each other. Morphological antonyms built with elements similar to clausal negators in the language will tend to involve contradictory rather than contrary opposites.

  • 12.
    Koptjevskaja Tamm, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Miestamo, Matti
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Antonyms and word-level negation2015In: Abstracts, 2015, p. 74-74Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Typological research on negation has focused most prominently on standard negation, i.e. the basic negation strategies in declarative clauses, and some work has also been done on other aspects of clausal negation as well as on indefinite pronouns in the scope of negation. Negation at the level of words, i.e., derivational affixes expressing negation as well as case markers with negative semantics, has so far not figured in systematic typological studies, but it has received some attention in theoretical literature on semantics and morphology. Zimmer (1964) discusses “affixal” negation primarily in English and a couple of other Indo-European languages, but also comments on a few non-­Indo‐European languages and even suggests some cross‐linguistic generalizations. Subsequent work (e.g., Horn 1989) is similarly restricted in its cross‐linguistic scope. From the semantic point of view, the issue of word­‐level negation is closely connected to antonymy. Antonymy and types of opposition have been a popular topic in semantic theories (see Horn 1989), where the central distinction is between contrary and contradictory opposites. The two types differ as to whether they allow a third possibility in-­between: contradictory opposites are either–or (dead vs. alive), whereas in contrary opposites there is a middle ground between the two poles (small vs. big). Linguistically, antonyms can be expressed by unrelated lexemes (lexical antonyms) like the examples cited above, or by means of overt negation (happy vs. unhappy, possible vs. impossible). Lexical and morphological antonymy do not necessarily exclude each other. E.g., Russian has regular triads of the kind bol’šoj ‘big’ – malen’kij ‘little’ – nebol’šoj ‘NEG‐big’, and even tetrads, such as dobryj ‘kind’ – zloj ‘mean’ – nedobryj ‘NEG-­kind’ – nezloj ‘NEG-­mean’. Despite all the attention that antonymy has received from semanticists, work in a broader cross‐linguistic comparative perspective is lacking. This talk presents a pilot study of antonymy and its expression by both lexical and overt morphological means. We will focus on antonymy in property words (adjectives), more specifically in such forms that can be used as adnominal modifiers. Our main interest will be in finding correlations between semantic and formal properties of antonyms. From the formal point of view, we will pay attention to the type of marking (e.g., prefix vs. suffix), to the number of different word-­‐level negators in a language, whether these markers can be used on other word classes than property words and how they are related to other negative markers in the language. Taking in semantics, we will observe what types of opposition (contrary vs. contradictory, scalar vs. non-­‐scalar etc.)and which domains of property scales (evaluation, size, dimension, temperature etc.) are expressed by lexical antonyms vs. each attested type of overt morphological marking, i.e. whether the linguistic evidence allows us to classify antonyms into cross‐linguistically relevant types. Does the existence of a lexical antonym exclude the possibility of morphological marking? Do the markers exclude one another on the same lexical item? Are there semantic principles governing such blocking effects? Can triads and/or tetrads be found in addition to pairs? Our pilot sample includes 15 languages from different families and geographical areas. The data comes from dictionaries and grammars and, most importantly, from a questionnaire sent to language experts. As this is a pilot study of a domain previously unexplored in language typology, our main goal is to sketch different ways of approaching this intriguing domain from a broader cross-­linguistic perspective.

  • 13.
    Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Temperaturord: lexikal typologi och lexikografi2015In: 13. Konference om Leksikografi i Norden: Abstracts til foredrag, 2015, p. 7-7Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    Temperatur tillhör våra mest självklara dagliga upplevelser, som vi gärna pratar om. Tänk på alla kalla, svala, kyliga, ljumma, varma och heta dagar som vi avhandlar i samband med det ofarligaste och vanligaste nordiska samtalsämnet, vädret. Ljummet kaffe och ljummen champagne väcker negativa känslor, kalla fötter kan leda till en förkylning, medan en alltför varm panna vittnar om att man redan är sjuk. Vi använder också temperaturbeskrivningar för annat – man förväntar sig inte någon empati av en kall människa; heta kyssar är knappast avsedda för ens barn; vissa klär bättre i varma än i kalla färger. Språk varierar dock kraftigt i fråga om antal temperaturord, vad de betyder och hur de används. Vissa språk skiljer endast på ’varm’ och ’kall’; andra tycks tvärtom ha alldeles för många temperaturord där svenskan klarar sig med ett. Språk varierar också i fråga om temperaturordens grammatik. Många språk har exempelvis inte några temperaturadjektiv alls, utom använder temperaturverb, ungefär som frysa, fast för allting. Slutligen är också språk väldigt olika när det gäller varifrån temperaturorden kommer och i vilka överförda betydelser de används. ’Varm’ och ’het’ kommer ofta från ord som betyder ’eld’ eller ’att brinna’, men ’varm’ på estniska, soe, är besläktad med sauna och kommer ursprungligen från ett ord med betydelsen ’(be)skydd’. Flera afrikanska språk har samma ord för ’varm’ och ’snabb’, ’en kall plånbok’ på japanska syftar på någon som är pank, medan aboriginspråk i Australien brukar sakna överförda användningar av temperaturord.Men kan språksystem variera helt fritt i fråga om hur många temperaturuttryck de har och vad de betyder, vilket grammatiskt beteende de uppvisar, varifrån de kommer och vilka överförda betydelser de har, eller finns det begränsningar? Liknande frågeställningar utgjorde grunden för det lexikaltypologiska projektet “Varmt och kallt – universellt eller språkspecifikt?” (Vetenskapsrådet) och volymen “The linguistics of temperature” (https://benjamins.com/#catalog/books/tsl.107/main), som studerat temperaturord i ca 50 språk från olika språkfamiljer och geografiska områden. I föredraget kommer jag att presentera de viktigaste resultaten av den tvärspråkliga jämförelsen och använda dem för att diskutera beröringspunkter mellan lexikografi och lexikal typologi.

  • 14.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Hindukush-Karakoram as a Linguistic Area: Problems and Prospects2015In: Abstract Book: The 2nd Kashmir International Conference on Linguistics, 2015Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The Hindukush, Karakoram, and Western-most Himalayan mountain region – comprising northern Pakistan, northeastern Afghanistan and the territories of Kashmir on both sides of the LOC – is characterized by great linguistic and cultural diversity. The 40-50 distinct language varieties spoken in the region belong to various genera (Indo-Aryan, Iranian, Nuristani, Tibeto-Burman, Turkic and the isolate Burushaski) and a number of different languages serve as lingua franca. It is also a transit zone between the cultural spheres of South Asia, Central Asia, and  the Himalayas.

    On the one hand, there are linguistic features shared by a large number of the region’s languages (Bashir 2003, 821–823; Tikkanen 1999; 2008), in some cases as the result of prolonged language contact, in others – such as in the so-called “Dardic” group of Indo-Aryan – due to shared retention (Morgenstierne 1961, 139; Strand 2001). On the other, there is also a good deal of structural diversity. Instead of trying to simplify the picture by proposing another Linguistic Area (or Sprachbund), this presentation aims at outlining a more nuanced, fine-tuned, and typologically-enlightened, profile of this region, a region that I henceforth will refer to as the Greater Hindukush Region. Certain features are identified as macroareal (i.e. as characteristic of a much larger area which this region forms only a small part of), other features as linking features (i.e. linking a part of the region with a geographically adjacent area), yet others as essentially regional (i.e. Hindukush-specific), or features with a significant sub-regional scope. The framework and the terms used are largely the ones proposed by Masica (2001).

    Arriving at the present, yet tentative, “profile”, an empirical study was undertaken, whereby a substantial number of traits (phonological, morphological, syntactic, and lexical—many of them overlapping with those of WALS (Haspelmath 2005), the World Atlas of Language Structure) were taken into account, drawing from the author’s own fieldwork in the region, collaboration with several native-speaker consultants, as well as from studies undertaken in the past by other scholars. Among the features discussed are: a tripartite differentiation within the affricate and fricative subsets (Tikkanen 2008, 255), the emergence of tonal contrasts (Baart 2003; Liljegren 2013), the display and degree of ergativity (Liljegren 2014), the presence vs. absence of gender distinctions, vigesimal numeral systems, multi-dimensional deictic contrasts, shared derivational pathways in kinship differentiation, double-marked contrastive constructions, and the prevalence of complex predicates (Liljegren 2010).

    While the treatment is primarily a synchronic one, we will also have to assume several layers of settlement and highly complex patterns of language contact even in a distant past. In addition, there are strong indications that several ancient substrata (the proto-language of Burushaski most likely one of them) have made important contributions to shaping the present-day typologies (Tikkanen 1988, 304; Zoller 2005, 16–18; Bashir 1996, 203).

  • 15.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Multi-level lexical convergence along the Silk Road2013In: 46th Annual Meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europaea: Book of abstracts / [ed] Bert Cornillie and María Sol Sansiñena Pascual, Split, 2013, p. 213-214Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This preliminary study, partly based on fieldwork data, partly on available descriptions, looks at lexical convergence resulting from language contact in the Greater Hindu Kush (northern Pakistan, north-eastern Afghanistan, and Kashmir), a region characterized by a combination of linguistic diversity (including Indo-Iranian, Nuristani, Tibeto-Burman and the isolate Burushaski), a high level of multilingualism and by serving as an age-old transit zone between South, West, and Central Asia (Tikkanen 1988; Bashir 2003, 821–823). A few influential “culture carriers” of change are: Islam; a common Persian culture; poetry; and, in more recent times, media in which regional lingua franca-filtered English plays an increasing role. The lexical convergence can be observed on three interrelated levels: a) a micro-level characterized by shared internal semantic structure, b) a mid-level, whereby the structure of entire semantic domains display significant similarities, and c) a macro-level, with shared features of lexicon organization.

    The first level encompasses single lexemes across languages, e.g. shared specializations (Kamviri (Strand 2013): nuč ‘three days ago’, nutrí ‘the day before yesterday’, dus ‘yesterday’, strák ɡaaǰaar ‘today’, daalkẽ́ ‘tomorrow’, aatrí ‘the day after tomorrow’, aačǘ ‘three days hence’; Dameli (Morgenstierne 1942, 137–178, Emil Perder pc.): učoo/čoo diyoo,itrii, doos, mu(n)dya, beraa, truida, čoo/čooa ki, respectively), shared polysemy (Kalasha (Trail and Cooper 1999, 112): ɡríik; Pashto: axistəl ‘take’ – ‘buy’), and metaphorical extensions (Kashmiri: toon; Palula: šidáalu ‘cold’—‘hostile, unkind’). The second level is defined by semantic domains, and includes lexical relations between semantically related concepts (Khowar: ma oraru ɡoyan [lit. to-me sleep is coming] ‘I’m feeling sleepy’ vs. xaphosi parir ‘Xaposi sleeps’; Palula: asaám húluk dítu de [lit. on-us heat is fallen] ‘We were feeling hot’  vs. anú wíi táatu ‘This water is hot’; where the subjective experience is expressed as the stimulus coming to the experiencer) and shared derivational pathways, such as a participial ‘attaching’ marking the “manipulee” in causative constructions (Kalasha (Trail and Cooper 1999, 289; Bashir 2003, 823): a ísa aawái, ɡoník čhinawáis ‘I had him break the stick’; Kalam Kohistani (Baart 1999, 94–95): yä murād ā ǰämāl bakānt ‘I’m making Murad beat up Jamal’). The third level is probably the most interesting, as it facilitates lower-level convergence. One example is the gradual substitution of the single verb inventory by “new” complex predicates (Ladakhi: ban-coces (cf. indigenous satces); Indus Kohistani (Zoller 2005, 301): bʌ́n karʌ́v̄; Pashto bandawəl [lit. closed-do] ‘to turn off’, modelled on Urdu band karnaa). Other examples are the prevalence of co-lexicalized intensifiers (Burushaski (Berger 1998, 226–227): qhal-matúm ‘pitch black’; Gilgiti Shina: khutún šaróo ‘full autumn’, the first component often being a unique lexical unit) and the presence of cross-cutting pro-categories, reflecting multiple deictic contrasts (Kohistani Shina (Schmidt and Kohistani 2008, 97–98): paár ajóo ‘over there where I point’, paár adí ‘right over there’, paár asdí ‘right over there somewhere’, pér adí ‘over there (near, known but invisible)’, pér asdí ‘over there (out of sight)’; Kashmiri (Koul 2003, 914): kūtāh ‘how much?’, yūtāh ‘this much’, hūtāh ‘that much (within sight)’, tˈūtāh that much (out of sight)’).

    References

    Baart, Joan L. G. 1999. A Sketch of Kalam Kohistani Grammar. Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies  Quaid-i-Azam University and Summer Institute of Linguistics.

    Bashir, Elena L. 2003. “Dardic.” In The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. George Cardona and Danesh Jain, 818–894. 1 Mul. London: Routledge.

    Berger, Hermann. 1998. Die Burushaski-Sprache von Hunza und Nager 3. Wörterbuch. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

    Koul, Omkar N. 2003. “Kashmiri.” In The Indo-Aryan Languages, ed. George Cardona and Danesh Jain, 895–952. 1 Mul. London: Routledge.

    Morgenstierne, Georg. 1942. “Notes on Dameli: A Kafir-Dardic Dialect of Chitral.” NTS 12: 115–198.

    Schmidt, Ruth Laila, and Razwal Kohistani. 2008. A Grammar of the Shina Language of Indus Kohistan. Beiträge Zur Kenntnis Südasiatischer Sprachen and Literaturen 17. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

    Strand, Richard F. 2013. “Richard Strand’s Nuristân Site: Lexicons of Kâmviri, Khowar, and Other Hindu-Kush Languages.” Accessed January 10. http://nuristan.info/lngFrameL.html.

    Tikkanen, Bertil. 1988. “On Burushaski and Other Ancient Substrata in Northwestern South Asia.” Studia Orientalia 64: 3030–325.

    Trail, Ronald L, and Gregory R Cooper. 1999. Kalasha dictionary with English and Urdu. Islamabad; United Kingdom: National Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University ; Summer Institute of Linguistics.

    Zoller, Claus Peter. 2005. A Grammar and Dictionary of Indus Kohistani: Volume 1, Dictionary. Trends in Linguistics 21-1. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

     

  • 16.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    The linguistic identity of the Greater Hindu Kush, a transit zone between South and Central Asia2012In: 45th Annual Meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europaea: Book of Abstracts / [ed] Bert Cornillie and María Sol Sansiñena Pascual, Stockholm, 2012, p. 187-188Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Regardless of the particular view one takes on areality, there are a number of reasons for trying to characterize the accumulation of languages in the highland region between, or simultaneously belonging to, South Asia (or the Indian subcontinent) and Central Asia.  This region is, to borrow the words of one of the foremost experts on South Asian linguistics, “where conflicting areal patterns meet and interact, and many peculiar languages (‘Dardic’, Burushaski [a language isolate], the Pamir group of Eastern Iranian), at once archaic and innovating, find their home” (Masica 2001:225). To the aforementioned mix should be added Tibeto-Burman Balti, spoken in the eastern part of this region, and the Nuristani languages in the border region between northern Pakistan and Afghanistan, the latter now considered a third branch of Indo-Iranian (on par with Indo-Aryan and Iranian). Historically we will have to assume several layers of settlement and highly complex patterns of language contact in this extremely mountainous region, and there are strong indications that several ancient substrata (the proto-language of Burushaski most likely one of them) have made important contributions to the resulting typologies (Tikkanen 1988:304).

    In the present study a substantial number of features (phonological, morphological, syntactic, and lexical) are taken into account in order to arrive at a non-speculative typological profile of the region. The author draws from his own fieldwork in the region, collaborating with several native-speaker consultants,  as well as from language-specific studies carried out by other researchers. In an initial stage, an intragenealogical typology of the Indo-Aryan cluster, native to and linguistically dominant in the region (often, although controversially, referred to as ‘Dardic’, see Bashir 2003:822; Strand 2001:258; Zoller 2005:10–11), is established, by investigating a sample representing each of the tentatively classified subgroups of ‘Dardic’. This is meant to shed further light on the still ongoing but very challenging classification work. This is projected to be followed up by a more extensive cross-genera comparison of the same features.

    A number of convergence features that are of particular relevance to this region have been identified (many of them confirming suggestions made by Bashir (Bashir 2003:821–823) and Tikkanen (1999; 2008). Some of those are macroareal features that either characterize South Asia at large (or the larger part of it), such as the presence of retroflex stops and non-nominative experiencers, or large parts of Central Asia, such as a contrast between velar and uvular stops and the presence of a vigesimal numeral system. Other features are better described as subareal, some covering a substantial part of the region, such as a the presence of retroflex affricates as well as fricatives, contrasting with corresponding dental and palatal sounds, and the optionality of copula verbs in nominal and adjectival predication, other features characterizing more limited subsets of (often geographically adjacent) languages, such as grammaticalization of evidentiality and animacy distinctions, multi-differentiating deictic systems, a preferred order subordinate clause followed by main clause, the development of tonal/accentual systems, the use of co-lexicalized intensifiers, and a great variety in alignment patterns and in the display and degree of ergativity.

    References:

    Bashir, Elena L. 2003. “Dardic.” Pp. 818-894 in The Indo-Aryan Languages, edited by George Cardona and Danesh Jain. London: Routledge.

    Masica. 2001. “The definition and significance of linguistic areas: Methods, pitfalls, and possibilities (with special reference to the validity of South Asia as a linguistic area).” Pp. 205-267 in The yearbook of South Asian languages and linguistics 2001. London: SAGE.

    Strand, Richard F. 2001. “The tongues of Peristân. Appendix 1.” in Gates of Peristan: History, Religion and Society in the Hindu Kush, Reports and memoirs, edited by Alberto M Cacopardo and Augusto S Cacopardo. Rome: IsIAO.

    Tikkanen, Bertil. 1988. “On Burushaski and other ancient substrata in northwestern South Asia.” Studia Orientalia 64:3030-325. Retrieved January 4, 2012.

    Tikkanen, Bertil. 1999. “Archaeological-linguistic correlations in the formation of retroflex typologies and correlating areal features in South Asia.” Pp. 138-148 in Archaeology and language. London: Routledge.

    Tikkanen, Bertil. 2008. “Some areal phonological isoglosses in the transit zone between South and Central Asia.” Pp. 250-262 in Proceedings of the third International Hindu Kush Cultural Conference. Karachi: Oxford University Press.

    Zoller, Claus Peter. 2005. A Grammar and Dictionary of Indus Kohistani: Volume 1, Dictionary. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

     

  • 17.
    Liljegren, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Rönnqvist, Hanna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    From left-branching to right-branching: Syntactic changes in the Hindukush under pressure from languages of wider communication2014In: Book of abstracts, 2014, p. 251-252Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In Hindukush languages spoken in the north-western regions of the Indian Subcontinent (particularly Indo-Aryan, sometimes referred to as “Dardic”), a variety of means are available within a complex construction to mark one clause as dependent on another. A subordinate clause may precede the main clause, whereby a complementizer is placed at the end of the subordinate clause: tu kíi baáanu thaní, khooǰóolu. ‘Where are you going? (he) asked‘ (Indo-Aryan Palula), or tu xató hatoɣoót doós reé, buhtuií astám,‘I was afraid that you might give him the letter’ (Indo-Aryan Khowar). A preposed subordinate clause can also be formed with a verbal noun, with or without case marker/postposition: nu ba asaám mhaar-anií the ukháatu de. ‘He had come up to kill us’ (Palula). Pre-nominal participials is another strategy, semantically corresponding to relative clauses in languages such as English: phaí, teeṇíi háa-tam čooṇṭéeli, rumiaál díti híni. ‘The girl gave him a handkerchief which she herself had embroidered’ (Palula). Alternatively, the subordinate clause can be placed after the main clause, in this case often making use of a complementizer ki (or something similar) preceding the subordinate clause: mhéeli i khooǰóolu, ki míi báabu koó. ‘(He) asked: Who is my father?’ (Palula), or, awá buhtaí astám, ki hatoɣóot doós reé. ‘I was afraid that you might give him the letter‘ (Khowar). In a survey covering an area from southern India through parts of southern Pakistan, Hook (1987) observed a significant pattern, whereby the order subordinate – main clause was gradually replaced by the order main clause—subordinate as one moves from the Dravidian South to the Iranian Northwest. While the survey did not include the Hindukush, Bashir (2003: 823), points out that left-branching (i.e. the order subordinate—main clause), like in Dravidian and in the Indo-Aryan languages spoken in their vicinity, is also characteristic of the extreme North of the Subcontinent. Bashir (1996: 177) proposes that left-branching in this northern region has come about as the result of ancient areal influences related to Central Asia, whereas right-branching (i.e. main clause—subordinate) and the use of ki is a feature more recently imported from influential languages spoken in South and West Asia. She further notes that the two constructions are used parallel in Khowar, and that the more recent construction may include the imported marker ki as well as the indigenous (a grammaticalization of ‘say’).In the present study, we investigated interlinear texts in a few Hindukush Indo-Aryan languages (Palula, Kalasha, Pashai, Gilgiti Shina, Kalam Kohistani), empirically testing Bashir‘s suggestion, and found that these, like Khowar, to a varying degree allow both constructions, with the left-branching alternative representing what seems like an older stratum of the languages, whereas the right-branching alternative most likely stems from massive Persian and, more recently, Urdu pressure as influential languages of literacy and wider communication. The distribution across different types of subordination within each language (Noonan 2007; Andrews 2007; Thompson et al. 2007), as well as quantitative differences between the languages in this regard, is presented and discussed.

  • 18.
    Miestamo, Matti
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Constructions and paradigms2013Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 19.
    Miestamo, Matti
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    The marking of nominal participants under negation2013Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 20.
    Veselinova, Ljuba
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Negation in non-verbal and existential predications: a holistic typology2015Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 21.
    Veselinova, Ljuba
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Not-yet expressions in the languages of the world: a special negator or a separate gram type?2015In: ALT 2015, 11th Conference of the Association for Linguistic Typology: Abstract Booklet, 2015, p. 136-137Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In many languages there is a special negation strategy to indicate that an action has not been accomplished or that a state has not been attained. For instance, in Indonesian, verbal predications are negated by the particle tiada (or tidak), cf (1a). Nominal predications, are negated by the particle bukan, cf. (1c). When the speaker intends to communicate that an action has not been carried out yet, cf. (1b), or a particular state has not been reached yet, cf. (1d), the word belum ‘not yet’ is used in verbal and in nominal predications. The perfect marker sudahcannot be combined with belum or tidak, cf. Sneddon (1996: 202). Expressions like belum are typically dubbed in grammars as special negators that differ from the standard negator (SN). They are sporadically mentioned in the comparative literature on negation cf. (Payne 1985, Miestamo 2005).Van der Auwera (1998) analyzes ‘not yet’ expressions in the languages of Europe as continuative negatives and suggests the label nondum for them; it is adopted here too. However, a systematic cross-linguistic study of their distribution does not yet exist. My goals with this work are to obtain a better understanding about their cross-linguistic frequency as well as about their functions and status in the grammar and lexicon of their respective languages. In my sample of 100 unrelated languages, nondum expressions occur in most areas of the world, but are notably absent in Europe in the form of single, bound or semi-bound, grammaticalized negative temporal markers. My sources are grammars and parallel texts. The available data allow for the following generalizations: (i) Nondum expressions can be encoded as affixes cf. (2) and (3) or as particles, cf (1b, 1d); (ii) they can be either univerbations between SN and another word or completely unsegmentable morphemes. (iii) They typically indicate the non-occurrence of an expected action or state but also an anticipation about its imminent realization. Thus they appear to belong to both the temporal and the negative domain; however, as Contini-Morava (1989: 138), notes the negation they indicate is of limited duration. Their cross-linguistic frequency together with their functional similarities in a number of unrelated languages are evidence that nondum expressions should be considered a separate gram. Furthermore, gaining a better knowledge about them also contributes to a deeper understanding of the semantic-pragmatic asymmetry between the tense-aspect systems of the affirmative and the negative domain.

  • 22.
    Veselinova, Ljuba
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    'Not-yet'-expressions in the languages of the world: special negative adverbs or a separate gram type?2015In: ALT 2015: 11th Conference of the Association for Linguistic Typology: Abstract Booklet, 2015, p. 136-137Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In many languages there is a special negation strategy to indicate that an action has not been accomplished or that a state has not been attained. For instance, in Indonesian, verbal predications are negated by the particle tiada (or tidak), cf (1a). Nominal predications, are negated by the particle bukan, cf. (1c). When the speaker intends to communicate that an action has not been carried out yet, cf. (1b), or a particular state has not been reached yet, cf. (1d), the word belum ‘not yet’ is used in verbal and in nominal predications. The perfect marker sudahcannot be combined with belum or tidak, cf. Sneddon (1996: 202). Expressions like belum are typically dubbed in grammars as special negators that differ from the standard negator (SN). They are sporadically mentioned in the comparative literature on negation cf. (Payne 1985, Miestamo 2005).Van der Auwera (1998) analyzes ‘not yet’ expressions in the languages of Europe as continuative negatives and suggests the label nondum for them; it is adopted here too. However, a systematic cross-linguistic study of their distribution does not yet exist. My goals with this work are to obtain a better understanding about their cross-linguistic frequency as well as about their functions and status in the grammar and lexicon of their respective languages. In my sample of 100 unrelated languages, nondum expressions occur in most areas of the world, but are notably absent in Europe in the form of single, bound or semi-bound, grammaticalized negative temporal markers. My sources are grammars and parallel texts. The available data allow for the following generalizations: (i) Nondum expressions can be encoded as affixes cf. (2) and (3) or as particles, cf (1b, 1d); (ii) they can be either univerbations between SN and another word or completely unsegmentable morphemes. (iii) They typically indicate the non-occurrence of an expected action or state but also an anticipation about its imminent realization. Thus they appear to belong to both the temporal and the negative domain; however, as Contini-Morava (1989: 138), notes the negation they indicate is of limited duration. Their cross-linguistic frequency together with their functional similarities in a number of unrelated languages are evidence that nondum expressions should be considered a separate gram. Furthermore, gaining a better knowledge about them also contributes to a deeper understanding of the semantic-pragmatic asymmetry between the tense-aspect systems of the affirmative and the negative domain.

  • 23.
    Veselinova, Ljuba
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    'Not-yet'-expressions in the languages of the world: special negators or a separate cross-linguistic category2015Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 24.
    Wälchli, Bernhard
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Morphosemantics, constructions, algorithmic typology and parallel texts2012Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Unlike morphology (the internal formal structure of words) and semantics (the study of the meaning of words and sentences), morphosemantics is concerned with the link between marker and meaning. Traditional approaches to morphosemantics such as semiotics and construction grammar argue that the relationship between image acoustique and concept is symbolic. This works well if the links are known (in the “proficiency mode”). In this talk I argue that there is a statistical alternative which is particularly useful if the links are not known (in the “discovery mode”). Meanings and markers form collocations in texts which can be measured by means of collocation measures. However, there is a considerable non-isomorphism between marker and meaning. As is well known a marker can have many different meanings (polysemy). Somewhat less well known is that a meaning is often expressed by many different markers, both paradigmatically and syntagmatically (polymorphy).

            To make meanings and markers commensurable, they must be converted into units of the same kind. This same kind is the set of contexts in a text or corpus where a marker or meaning occurs. If the distribution of a meaning in a corpus is known, its corresponding marker complex can be determined which consists of a paradigmatically and syntagmatically ordered set of simple markers. The markers considered here are surface markers of two types: word forms and morphs (continuous character strings within word forms). More abstract marker types such as lexemes, grammatical categories and word classes might often be better markers than surface markers, but they are not available in the discovery mode.

            Marker complexes are a simple construction type. A procedural approach to construction grammar is adopted where marker complexes are viewed as an intermediate stage in a processing chain of increasingly more complex construction types from simple markers via marker complexes to syntactic constructions. Marker complexes have the advantage that they can be extracted automatically from massively parallel texts, i.e. translations of the same text into many languages, such as the New Testament used here. In parallel texts the same meanings (with certain restrictions) are expressed across different languages. This means that a functional domain can be defined as a set of contexts where a certain meaning occurs.

            The same procedure is applied to cross-linguistically similar material and the procedure applied to cross-linguistic data is fully explicit and therefore replicable. It can be implemented in a computer program and run without the intervention of a typologist (algorithmic typology). The underlying idea is that the procedure of extraction is invariant (procedural universal) whereas the extracted structures can be highly variable depending on the texts and languages to which they are applied.

            The talk considers to what extent surface markers are sufficient as input for the identification of constructions in a range of grammatical and lexical domains in a world-wide convenience sample of somewhat more than 50 languages. One of the domains considered in more detail is comparison of inequality. Comparison of inequality is expressed in most languages of the sample by an at least bipartite marker complex consisting of the parts standard marker (‘than’) and predicate intensifier (‘more’, ‘-er’). It will be argued here that both of them are intrinsic parts of the comparative construction. These findings are not fully in accordance with Leon Stassen’s typology of comparison – a classical study in functional domain typology – which is based exclusively on the encoding of the standard NP. Other domains considered in the talk include negation, ‘want’, future, and predicative possession.

  • 25.
    Wälchli, Bernhard
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    The dynamicity of stative resultatives2012Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 26.
    Wälchli, Bernhard
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Olsson, Bruno
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Linguistics, General Linguistics.
    Exploring the cross-linguistic relationship between resultative constructions and participles2012Conference paper (Refereed)
1 - 26 of 26
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