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  • 101.
    Andersson, Monica
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kommunerna och översiktsplaneringen2017In: Stadsbyggnad, ISSN 0038-8963, no 3, p. 20-21Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 102.
    Andersson, Monica
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Makten över stadens offentliga rum: Professionerna och hur de modernistiska idéerna vann kampen om stadsplaneringen2017In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 119, no 3, p. 441-463Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Modernist ideas were written into the building code of 1931 and increased over timewhere traditional cities were banned and supposed to be turned down. How managedmodernists this in the critical juncture. One of their proponents was StockholmsByggnadsförening, where builders, contractors and private and public plannersand architects meet. My questions are how modernist architects could imposethe views of Byggnadsföreningen and if their activities in this organization couldexplain why modernist ideas so fast could impose building code and legislation.I found that it was a self-amplifying process where central modernist architectsmanaged to reach leading positions after 1924 when the organization implementedshort periods for members of the board. This was preceded by a decline of the organizationduring WWI and a self-eroding process for ideas of traditional city-planningwhere modernist architects challenged them with effectivity-arguments thatclamed modernist ideas were scientific and traditional ideas outdated.

  • 103.
    Andersson, Monica
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Modernismen och byggnadslagstiftningen2016In: Femtio år av svensk samhällsplanering: Vänbok till Gösta Blücher / [ed] Bertil Albertsson, Lars Emmelin, Jan-Evert Nilsson, Fredrik von Platen, Karlskrona: Printfabriken Karlskrona , 2016, p. 115-125Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 104.
    Andersson, Monica
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Perspektiv på en 300-årig Stockholmshistoria: Monica Andersson reads Per Kallstenius´ history and vision of Stockholm hoping for a better knowledge about the past2011In: Arkitektur: byggnad, interiör, plan, landskap, ISSN 0004-2021, Vol. 111, no 2, p. 12--13Article, book review (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 105.
    Andersson, Monica
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Politik och stadsbyggande: Modernismen och byggnadslagstiftningen2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this dissertation is to describe, understand and explain the role of modernism in Swedish urban planning, and analyze if modernist urban planning ideas influenced building legislation in ways that can explain the structural changes of our cities during post-war period. Earlier epochs were characterized by intense construction of working-class housing in garden cities and large courtyard housing blocks with double-sided lighting in residences.

       The dissertation has been carried out within the tradition of historical institutionalism with a counterfactual approach. It covers the time from 1928 to the present with a focus on the period 1928-1975. The object of study is the formal regulations in building legislation. The central analytical instruments are formative moments and path dependence. A formative moment should be characterized by uncertainty, significance and unpredictability. Path dependence is studied with the help of theories of experience-based learning and the power of bureaucracy. 

       The dissertation shows that modernist ideas were written into the building code of 1931 in accordance with functional partitioning and a diagram by Walter Gropius from the 1920s calling for relative distances between houses, the longer the higher houses, and direct sunlight on facades, permitting one-sided lighting in residences. Instead of prevailing praxis, cities were built in conformity with principles of buildings-in-the-park with slab blocks. These regulations were gradually tightened over time and also guided redevelopment policy. In the sixties higher slab blocks and tower blocks began to be frequently built and functional partitioning assumed a unique guiding role in traffic policy and urban planning. Starting in the middle of the 1970s, modernist ideas gradually were dismissed in government policy.

       Leading modernist architects where driving forces in the formative moment, supported by the Association of Property Owners. Their colleagues could, in the path dependent process, augment the modernist ideas by virtue of their profession. They led state agencies, participated in commissions on building legislation and wrote referral comments on proposals, as well as sitting on building committees together with building contractors, entrepreneurs and construction workers.

  • 106.
    Andersson, Monica
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Stadsholmen: en resa genom tiden2015In: Gamla Stan: stad i förvandling / [ed] Ann Pålsson, Lund: Historiska Media , 2015, 1, p. 7-11Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 107.
    Angerbrandt, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Sverige .
    I skuggan av Boko Haram: Nigeria går till val2014Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 108.
    Angerbrandt, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Placing Conflict: Religion and politics in Kaduna State, Nigeria2015Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Decentralisation and federalism are often said to mitigate conflict by better meeting the preferences of a heterogeneous population and demands for limited autonomy. But it is argued in this thesis that this perspective does not sufficiently address the ways in which conflict-ridden relations entangle processes across different scales ‒ local, regional as well as national. The aim of this thesis is to explain how it is that while decentralisation may contribute to national stability, it may simultaneously generate local conflict. This problem is analysed through a conflict in Kaduna State in north-central Nigeria where there have been outbreaks of violence between Hausa-Fulani Muslims and Christians of different ethnicities since the 1980s. Christian ethnic groups claim to be excluded from state benefits, while Muslim groups claim that Christians have undue influence over the state bureaucracy. The conflict feeds off ethnic and religious mobilisation. Expanded local political space further fuelled the conflict following the decentralisation that came with the shift from military to civilian rule in 1999. Decentralisation in Nigeria implies that the authorities should be associated with the majority ethnicity or religion in a specific territory. A localisation of politics accordingly raises the stakes in identity-based conflicts, especially as control of local institutions is necessary for inclusion in wider political processes. In Kaduna, this has led to demands for separating the state on a religious and ethnic basis. Actors make use of “scalar politics” to conform to or challenge boundaries set by the state. Social relations are associated with different boundaries.  Accordingly, decentralisation triggers conflicts on an identity basis, involving contestation over the hierarchy of scales. While national struggles between ethnic and religious groups may be subdued, conflicts play out locally as decentralisation in Nigeria makes religion and ethnicity a powerful tool for political mobilisation.

  • 109.
    Angerbrandt, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Political decentralisation and conflict: The Sharia crisis in Kaduna, Nigeria2011In: Journal for Contemporary African Studies, ISSN 0258-9001, E-ISSN 1469-9397, Vol. 29, no 1, p. 15-31Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    When states in northern Nigeria started processes for implementing Sharia laws in 1999, it triggered sentiments all over the country. In Kaduna State, the proposal led to demonstrations and violent clashes. The article examines the ways in which different scales of politics are mutually constituted in the Sharia case and how the Sharia proposal subsequently resulted in clashes in Kaduna. It is argued that the Sharia initiative, even though it started as a sub-national question, was connected to a national power contestation. However, the federal government remained passive and diverted the issue to local political space. In Kaduna, the issue took dimensions that incurred with apprehensive local political contention that made it escalate into violence and polarising people according to religion. An analysis of the crisis in Kaduna is offered that does not regard the conflict as locally confined, but as inherently related to wider political and historical processes.

  • 110.
    Angerbrandt, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Religion, ethnicity and citizenship: demands for territorial self-determination in southern Kaduna, Nigeria2015In: Journal for Contemporary African Studies, ISSN 0258-9001, E-ISSN 1469-9397, Vol. 33, no 2, p. 232-250Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article analyses the ‘politics of scale’ of how identity is linked to territory in the quest for self-determination by actors on the Christian side of the ethno-religious conflict in Kaduna State, Nigeria. Ethnic and political relations are framed with reference to scale, such as ‘the local’ and ‘the regional’, in ways that support claims for territorial control on an ethnic and religious basis. The experience of lack of access to the state is seen to be grounded in community identities. Furthermore, the state relates to citizens through religious and neo-customary authorities as a way to localise authority. This is connected to an idea that neo-customary institutions represent ‘the local’. It is argued in this article that these institutions are just as entangled in various constructions of scale as the state.

  • 111.
    Angerbrandt, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Struggles over identity and territory: Regional identities in ethno-religious conflict in Kaduna State, NigeriaManuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
  • 112.
    Angerbrandt, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. The Nordic Africa Institute, Sweden.
    Struggles over Identity and Territory: Regional Identities in Ethnoreligious Conflict in Northern Nigeria2016In: Nationalism & Ethnic Politics, ISSN 1353-7113, E-ISSN 1557-2986, Vol. 22, no 2, p. 172-192Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores how ethnoreligious conflict over boundaries and territoriality involves a politics of scale, that is, how positions and demands are framed by actors according to, for instance, local, regional, and national scales. The analysis focuses on how Muslim actors in a conflict in Kaduna State in Nigeria frame a regional, northern Nigerian identity that varies in content and form depending on the scalar context in which communal conflict is placed with regional and national politics yielding different identifications.

  • 113.
    Angerbrandt, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lindström, Lars
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    de la Torre-Castro, Maricela
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Department of Systems Ecology.
    What is this thing called 'community' good for?2011In: World Small-Scale Fisheries: Contemporary Visions / [ed] Ratana Chuengpagdee, Delft: Eburon Academic Publishers, 2011, p. 353-366Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 114. Anrup, Roland
    et al.
    Fareld, Victoria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Literature and History of Ideas, History of Ideas.
    Fornäs, Johan
    Frisk, Syliva
    Fur, Gunlög
    Ganetz, Hillevi
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies, Gender Studies.
    Gardell, Mattias
    Hedman Hvitfeldt, Maria
    Höghede, Erika
    Iordanoglou, Dimitrios
    Jalmert, Lars
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Education.
    Johansen, Maria
    Jonsson, Stefan
    Josephson, Peter
    Karlsohn, Thomas
    Laikre, Linda
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Department of Zoology.
    Larsson, Åsa Bharathi
    Lorenzoni, Patricia
    Liedman, Sven-Eric
    Madison, Guy
    Manga, Edda
    Munthe, Christian
    Nilsson, Ulrika
    Nylin, Sören
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Department of Zoology.
    Olsson, Erik J.
    Peralta, Julia
    Persson, Mats
    Priebe, Gunilla
    Rider, Sharon
    Rooke, Tetz
    Rådström, Niklas
    Söderblom, Staffan
    Sörensen, Jens
    Tydén, Mattias
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of History.
    Zetterholm, Magnus
    Öberg, Johan
    Centrala universitetsvärden hotas av bolagiseringsidén2013In: Dagens nyheter, ISSN 1101-2447Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Högskolestiftelser. Förslaget att driva svenska universitet i stiftelseform ­öppnar för bolagisering. Men det är ingen riktig utredning, utan en politisk pamflett utan ­eftertanke. Privatisering av universitet hotar både oberoendet, forskningskvaliteten och samhällsnyttan, skriver 36 forskare vid svenska högskolor och universitet.

  • 115.
    Arnberg, Klara
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Sundevall, FiaStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.Tjeder, DavidStockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of History.
    Könspolitiska nyckeltexter: Del 2, Från befolkningskris till talibantal 1930-20022012Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 116.
    Aronsson, Karin
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Child and Youth Studies. Barn- och ungdomsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Cederborg, Ann-Christin
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Child and Youth Studies.
    Department of child and youth studies2014In: Faculty of social sciences, Stockholm University 1964 - 2014 / [ed] Gudrun Dahl and Mats Danielsson, Stockholm: Faculty of Social Sciences , 2014, p. 27-43Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 117.
    Backman, Rebecca
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Jämställdhetsmyndigheten och motståndet: En studie av debatten kring en ny form av jämställdhetspolitik2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 118.
    Badani Zuleta, Paola
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    An Obstacle to Justice: Impunity, human rights & the Latin American case2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Impunity constitutes a widespread and common example of a lack of constitutional restraint on governments and their actions, as well as the failure of governments to ensure the law to be as binding for their own agents as they are for civilians. Even if constraints of a constitutional nature on state behaviour constitutes an important tool in the promotion and protection of civilians’ social, civil and political liberties, formal “guarantees” of human rights through constitutional restraint do not ensure their complete practical implementation. In the contemporary world, unpunished human rights violations committed by state actors are widespread across the Latin American continent independent of the development, political and economic levels in the individual countries.

    In this thesis, the purpose is to undertake a theoretically-guided empirical study in order to explore the effects of five different independent variables (democracy, press freedom, control of corruption, armed intra-state conflict and GDP/capita) on the occurrence of impunity in a country. For the measurement of the dependent variable, impunity, the creation of a measurement is attempted. This is constructed based on data by the US State Department Human Rights Country Reports, which was complemented by data from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. Data in the study are collected on 23 countries of the continent. The aim of the created measurement regarded the provision of an additional dimension to existing measurements of governmental respect to human rights and the rule of law.

    The quantitative analysis of the data conveys a notion that impunity is worse in countries featuring intra-state crises in the form of armed conflicts. It also suggests that the presence of impunity decreases with press freedom. Press freedom is further theorised as constituting a more effective tool in the control of governmental impunity than democracy, in that press freedom yields more constant pressure for accountability on police and military forces than a government does.

  • 119.
    Bahar, Baser
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Gezi Spirit in Diaspora2015In: Everywhere Taksim: sowing the Seeds for a New Turkey at Gezi / [ed] Isabel David, Kumru Toktamis, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2015Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 120.
    Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Antonina
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law, Department of Law, The European Law Institute.
    Michalski, AnnaOxelheim, Lars
    EU och de nya säkerhetshoten2016Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 121.
    Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Antonina
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law, Department of Law, The European Law Institute.
    Persson, ThomasOxelheim, Lars
    Ett konkurrenskraftigt EU till rätt pris2013Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 122.
    Barker, Vanessa
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology.
    Border protests: The role of civil society in transforming border control2015In: Rethinking Border Control for a Globalizing World: A Preferred Future / [ed] Leanne Weber, Abingdon: Routledge, 2015, p. 133-152Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 123.
    Barkman, Henric
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Barriärer och broar för hållbar konsumtion: Fyra typer av medborgarkonsumenter och möjligheterna för deras engagemang2014Licentiate thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Sustainable consumption is seen as a crucial political issue on the global agenda by politicians, the scientific community, and citizens who are worried about unsustainable consumption. However, several studies have shown that some consumers with "green" values do not consume sustainably – there is often a gap between attitude and behavior. One explanation is that the commitment to sustainable consumption is discouraged by barriers to action. For example, the supply of sustainable goods may be inadequate or the products too expensive. Such goods may be perceived as ineffective in their purpose to promote sustainable development, or perhaps it is believed that there are not enough other people who consume sustainably to make the individual effort worthwhile. However, some studies have indicated that there are also "reverse gaps". That is, there are people who are not particularly motivated to engage in sustainable consumption, but who do so anyway.

    The study examines why consumers sometimes engage in sustainable consumption (operationalized as a choice of environmental and Fairtrade certified products) but do not at other times. Research questions include which individual prerequisites (motivation and resources) are important for sustainable consumption, how they are distributed among citizens in Sweden, and finally whether perceived opportunities for sustainable consumption can form not only barriers but also "bridges" for engagement and how these are formed. The latter could explain the "reverse gaps" mentioned above.

    The author builds on the discussion about the challenges that sustainable development poses for the concept of citizenship. Researchers argue that sustainable development requires a transformation of traditional citizenship theory into a "sustainable citizenship". This is not limited by nation-state borders, takes into account past and future generations, and is open to the idea that responsibility-taking can, and sometimes should, be carried out in the private sphere.

    The dissertation is based on quantitative analysis of a (Swedish) representative survey and shows how consumers can be divided into different clusters based on their individual prerequisites: "Capable Critics", "Capital Weak Critics", "Conditionals" and ”Skeptics". Even if it is only the Capable Critics who have both the high motivation and a high level of resources that theoretically could be assumed to be necessary, there are a significant amount of consumers who choose environmental and Fairtrade labeled goods regularly across all clusters. These types of consumers encounter bridges to action by particularly positive perceived opportunities that make the engagement a little less demanding on individual prerequisites. The bridges are not the same for all clusters though. Their particular approach to sustainable consumption determines which factors are most important.

  • 124.
    Bartonek, Leo
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Der Topos "Nähe": Ernst Blochs Eintrittsstelle in die Sozialwissenschaften : ein Beitrag zur Ontologie der modernen Gesellschaft1992Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The present age is a time of major societal change in which the social sciences are again faced with three key problems: the relationship between the social science and societal reality, the elaboration of a meaningful concept of human agency, and the need to incorporate a temporal dimension into theories of the interaction between institutional structures and human agents.

    Against this background I discuss in the first part of the thesis the work of three theorists - Jiirgen Habermas, Pierre Bourdieu, and Anthony Giddens - who all share the ambition to overcome traditional dichotomies In social and political thought: the social versus the individual, the static versus the dynamic, objectivism versus subjectivism, freedom versus determination. None of the three, I argue, succeeds in providing a satisfactory solution to these key problems. In particular, they fail to account adequately for the time factor.

    In the second part of the thesis I present an alternative point of departure for grasping reality, one based on Ernst Bloch’s ontology in which the notion of time holds a central position. This permits us to launch our conceptual strategy from a specific point in history, the present, which is the crucial point in the continual process of social becoming. Thus social reality, understood as a process, is constantly produced and reproduced through everyday human practice. Based on this ontological foundation, the concept of social context, the relation between structure and human agency, is an essentially open one and for this reason, it is possible to explain both social change and stability.

  • 125.
    Baser, Bahar
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS). Coventry University, UK .
    Diasporas and Homeland Conflicts: A Comparative Perspective2015Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    As violent conflicts become increasingly intra-state rather than inter-state, international migration has rendered them increasingly transnational, as protagonists from each side find themselves in new countries of residence. In spite of leaving their homeland, the grievances and grudges that existed between them are not forgotten and can be passed to the next generation.

    This book explores the extension of homeland conflicts into transnational space amongst diaspora groups, with particular attention to the interactions between second-generation migrants. Comparative in approach, Diasporas and Homeland Conflicts focuses on the tensions that exist between Kurdish and Turkish populations in Sweden and Germany, examining the effects of hostland policies and politics on the construction, shaping or elimination of homeland conflicts.

    Drawing on extensive interview material with members of diasporic communities, this book sheds fresh light on the influences exercised on conflict dynamics by state policies on migrant incorporation and multiculturalism, as well as structures of migrant organizations. As such, it will be of interest to scholars of sociology, political science and international studies with interests in migration and diaspora, integration and transnational conflict.

  • 126.
    Baser, Bahar
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Gezi Spirit in the Diaspora Diffusion of Turkish Politics to Europe2015In: Everywhere Taksim: Sowing the Seeds for a New Turkey at Gezi / [ed] Isabel David, Kumru Toktamis, Amsterdam University Press, 2015, p. 251-266Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 127.
    Baser, Bahar
    Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations, Coventry University, UK.
    Tailoring Strategies According to Ever-Changing Dynamics: The Evolving Image of the Kurdish Diaspora in Germany2017In: Terrorism and Political Violence, ISSN 0954-6553, E-ISSN 1556-1836, Vol. 29, no 4, p. 674-691Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Germany might be considered as the European country that has suffered the most from the spatial diffusion of Turkey's internal conflicts. It has received the highest number of Kurdish migrants in Europe and it became the core of Kurdish mobilization in transnational space. Germany's approach to the Kurdish Question on its own soil—combined with the strategies that the Kurdish activists used—determined the scope of opportunity structures for the mobilization of the Kurdish movement. This article explains how Kurdish activism has come to be perceived in Germany, and analyzes the German political environment by focusing on the criminalization and stigmatization of the Kurdish movement, especially during the 1990s. It then describes the discursive shift and change in framing strategies that the Kurdish diaspora experienced after the capture of the the Kurdistan Workers' Party's (PKK) leader in 1999. Lastly, it touches upon the recent developments in the Middle East, especially in Kobane, and their impact on the image of the Kurdish movement. The article is based on extensive fieldwork in Germany and includes testimonies of Kurdish diaspora activists, with a focus on their own perceptions about their situation and how they respond to securitization policies in the host country.

  • 128.
    Basso, Larissa
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law, Department of Law.
    Brazilian energy-related climate (in) action and the challenge of deep decarbonization2019In: Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional, ISSN 0034-7329, E-ISSN 1983-3121, Vol. 62, no 2, article id e002Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    We present the challenge of deep decarbonization, the state of play of major economies regarding it, Brazilian outcomes compared to its peers and political struggles that help explain these outcomes. By identifying key actors, their interests and how they interact in domestic politics in issues that are key to deep decarbonization, we explain why Brazil, despite the potential to be ahead of its peers, has been moving backwards, and how Brazilian stances in the climate regime are influenced by it. The research is based on a qualitative analysis of extensive empirical data (primary and secondary sources).

  • 129.
    Becker, Karin
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, JMK.
    Hauserman, Nancy
    Gatuförsäljare som globala entreprenörer2014In: Det globaliserade arbetslivet / [ed] Marinette Fogde, Johanna Övling, Gidlund i samarbete med Arbetets museum , 2014, p. 25-34Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 130.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Civil Society and Alliance Politics2001In: Civil Society and Authoritarianism in the Third World, Stockholm: PODSU , 2001Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 131.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Explaining Democratization: Notes of the Concept of the Civil Society1997In: Civil Society, Democracy and the Muslim World, Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul , 1997Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 132.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Interest groups and the construction of democratic space1997In: Expanding democratic space in Nigeria / [ed] Jibrin Ibrahim, Dakar: CODESRIA , 1997Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 133.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The liberation of civil society: neo-liberal ideology and political theory in an african context1998In: People's rights: social movements and the state in the third world / [ed] Manoranjan Mohanty, Partha Nath Mukherji, Olle Törnquist, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1998, p. 45-62Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 134.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The politics of labour and adjustment: the experience of the Nigeria labour congress1995In: Between liberalisation and oppression: the politics of structural adjustment in Africa / [ed] Thandika Mkandawire, Adebayo O. Olukoshi, Dakar: CODESRIA , 1995, p. 281-323Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 135.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Whose civil society?: trade unions and capacity building in the Nigerian textile industry2001In: Labour regimes and liberalization: the restructuring of state-society relations in Africa / [ed] Björn Beckman, Lloyd M. Sachikonye, Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications , 2001, p. 72-89Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 136.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hansson, EvaStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Civil Society and Authoritarianism in the Third World2001Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 137.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Jega, Attahiru
    Scholars and democratic politics in Nigeria1994In: Knowledge and development: proceedings of the NFU annual conference 1994 / [ed] Inge Amundsen, Tromsø: University of Tromsø. Center for environment and development studies (SEMUT) , 1994Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 138.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lukman, Salihu
    The failure of Nigeria's Labour Party2010In: Trade Unions and Party Politics: Labour movements in Africa / [ed] Björn Beckman, Sakhela Buhlungu and Lloyd Sachikonye, Cape Town: HSRC Press , 2010, p. 59-84Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Why attempts by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) to create a political party failed  and why leading members of the NLC  decided to join other parties than their own when contesting elections

  • 139.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sachikonye, LLoyd M.
    Labour regimes and liberalization: the restructuring of state-society relations in Africa.2001Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 140.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ya'u, Y. Z.
    Organising for Democracy: Nigerian and Comparative Experiences2012Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 141.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Climate Change Duties and the Human Right to Democracy2015In: The Ethics of Climate Governance / [ed] Aaron Maltais and Catriona McKinnon, London: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2015Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 142.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    De 'kunnige' och 'erfarne' statsråden? Demokratin och kravet på politisk kompetens2010In: Regeringsmakten i Sverige: ett experiment i parlamentarism 1917-2009 / [ed] Jörgen Hermansson, Stockholm: SNS , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 143.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Deciding the demos: three conceptions of democratic legitimacy2019In: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772, Vol. 22, no 4, p. 412-431Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The prevailing view is that democratic procedures are unable to confer democratic legitimacy to decisions about democratic procedures. This paper examines this claim in detail and uses referendums on the inclusion of previously disenfranchised groups in the demos as a running example. The paper distinguishes between pure, imperfect and quasi-pure models of procedural democratic legitimacy and sub-versions of them. To various extents, each model does have the capacity to confer legitimacy to demos decisions under well-defined circumstances. The paper argues that quasi-pure procedural legitimacy represents the most promising account of democratic legitimacy in cases where democratic procedures are the subject of collective decision-making. According to this model, the decision to revise the rules for membership in the demos is permissible by democratic standards if and only if the revision is not forbidden by democratic principles for inclusion. The point is that the range of alternatives that are not forbidden by democratic principles of inclusion are likely to be considerable due to vagueness of the principles themselves and/or them being subject to reasonable disagreement. The paper concludes with a discussion about the possibility of democratic legitimacy for democratic institutions not introduced as a result of democratic decision-making.

  • 144.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democracy and future generations. Should the unborn have a voice?2013In: Spheres of Global Justice: Volume 2 Fair Distribution - Global Economic, Social and Intergenerational Justice / [ed] Jean-Christophe Merle, Dordrecht: Springer Publishing Company, 2013, p. 775-788Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the view that the interests of future generations should be taken into consideration in decisions likely to affect them. In particular, it has been argued that the interests of future generations should be represented in local, national or international political decisions. This view is analyzed in terms of justice-seeking and democracy-seeking arguments and the extent to which the representation of future generations will promote the respective values of justice and democracy. In order to promote democracy, such representation must be consistent with the criterion of democratic inclusion. Assuming that democratic inclusion is conceptualized in legal terms, the representation of future generations is consistent with democracy only to the extent that they are likely to be bound by the decisions made today. It is shown here that future generations are not bound by the decisions made today. Thus, it follows that representing the interests of future generations in political decisions is not consistent with securing democracy for the living generation. The intergenerational problem is therefore one where the demands of justice and democracy may conflict.

  • 145. Beckman, Ludvig
    Democracy and the Right to Exclusion2014In: Res Publica, ISSN 1356-4765, E-ISSN 1572-8692, Vol. 20, no 4, p. 395-411Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A defining feature of democracy is the inclusion of members of the political association. However, the corresponding right to exclusion has attracted undeservedly scant attention in recent debates. In this paper, the nature of the right to exclusion is explored. On the assumption that inclusion requires the allocation of legal power-rights to the people entitled to participate in the making of collective decisions, two conceptions of the right to exclusion are identified: the liberty-right to exclude and the claim-right to exclude. The choice between them depends on the nature of the interests that justifies the power-rights of people included. The position is defended that if rights to democratic participation are power-rights, we must also accept that the people included have claim-rights to the exclusion of non-members.

  • 146.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democracy, national responsibility and climate change justice2012In: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, Vol. 19, no 5, p. 843-864Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Nations are regularly considered the main bearers of responsibility for climatechange. Accordingly, the differences between nations are crucial inunderstanding how responsibilities should be distributed. In this article, Iexamine the relevance of differences in type of political regime to this end.The claim defended here is that democratic institutions are constitutive ofthe conditions for when members of nations can be held responsible as acollective for the outcomes affecting the climate. The implications of thisaccount are demonstrated, first, in relation to claims of historicalresponsibility and, second, in relation to the burdens assigned to Annex Icountries by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Theanalysis shows why democratic institutions – at present and in the past –are essential in order to conclude that the members of a nation shareresponsibility for the harm caused by the aggregate greenhouse emissions oftheir nation. In connection to this analysis, we also show why responsibilityfor the costs of climate change is also sometimes justly placed onauthoritarian nations.

  • 147.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democratic legitimacy does not require constitutional referendum: On ‘the constitution’ in theories of constituent power2018In: European Constitutional Law Review, ISSN 1574-0196, E-ISSN 1744-5515, Vol. 14, no 3, p. 567-583Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 148.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democratization and inclusion2011In: Routledge Handbook on Democratization / [ed] Jeffrey Haynes, Abingdon: Routledge, 2011, p. 161-174Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 149.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Demokratipolitikens metoder: Insatser för ett ökat valdeltagande – en kunskapsöversikt2009Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 150.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den rimliga integrationen2011Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    I Sverige och i många andra länder talas det om vikten av integration. Det har sagts att integration kan betyda vad som helst. Men vilka är det som behöver integreras och vad kan integration betyda i ett demokratiskt samhälle? Handlar det om att leva tillsammans som jämlikar? En gemensam identitet? Och vem ska integreras med vem? På vilket sätt?Utifrån sin nya bok ”Den rimliga integrationen” försöker Ludvig Beckman hitta svaren som tidigare har tagits för givna men i en tid av ökad migration och mångfald måste omvärderas och diskuteras på nytt. Det behövs en ny förståelse av integration – en rimlig integration.

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