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  • 101.
    Berg, Heléne
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economics.
    Dahlberg, Matz
    Vernby, Kåre
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Post-WWI military disarmament and interwar fascism in Sweden2019In: Historical Methods, ISSN 0161-5440, E-ISSN 1940-1906, Vol. 52, no 1, p. 37-56Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The emergence of anti-democratic movements is a central puzzle to social science. We study a novel and rich historical dataset covering Swedish municipalities during the interwar years and find a strong link between the presence of a military garrison and the emergence of fascist parties. We interpret these results as suggesting that fascist mobilization in Sweden was driven by discontent with the process of disarmament brought about by democratization. In contrast, poor economic conditions, as captured both by levels of and changes in the local poverty rate and tax base, do not explain the strong link between the fascists and military garrisons. We relate these results to influential theories of democratization.

  • 102.
    Berg, Kjell
    Stockholm University.
    Förändringsarbete inom förvaltningen: en praxis-pedagogisk ansats1991Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 103.
    Bergkvist, Robert
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History and International Relations.
    Considerations of Commitment and Capacity: A Study of the SADC Infrastructure Regulation Environment2021Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Download full text (pdf)
    Robert Bergkvist - Considerations of Commitment and Capacity
  • 104.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Civil Society in India: democratic space or extension of elite domination?2009Report (Other academic)
  • 105.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Gender Relations and Democracy: The Conflict between Hindu Nationalist and Secular Forces in Indian Civil Society.2009In: Nationalism & Ethnic Politics, ISSN 1353-7113, E-ISSN 1557-2986, Vol. 15, no 2, p. 141-159Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Hindu nationalist movement has for the last decades tried to expand within the Indian civil society, and a part of their strategy has been to increase the support for their views on gender relations. This article focuses on this mobilization and the response to it from the autonomous women’s movement. It is suggested that the Hindu Nationalist groups have a very different view on gender relations compared to the main stream of the Indian women’s movement, and that the mobilization of the Hindutva forces has met with strong resistance. It is further argued that this resistance may contribute to the deepening and widening of the democratic space in India.

  • 106.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Globalization the Indian Way: the popular struggle against Coca-Cola in Plachimada, Kerala2010In: IKON Occasional Paper Series, ISSN ISBN: 978-967-5679-02-5, Vol. 3, no 1, p. 1-15Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 107.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hindu nationalism and democracy2004Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Hindu nationalism and Democracy examines the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as one of the dominant forces within Indian politics. The ideology of the party is analyzed as a form of religious nationalism, with possible strains in its relation to the religious minorities of India. The book focuses on the position of the Muslim minority and analyzes the position of the BJP in relation to two issues with major importance within Indian politics: Uniform Civil Code - Shah Bano case and controversy in Ayodhya. Both issues have been studied on a national level and in a local study conducted in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh.

    On a theoretical level the book draws upon the discourse of nationalism theory. It also discusses the position of the BJP on minority versus majority rights in relation to the debate between liberals and communitarians, where the latter is a reaction against the liberal ideal of a neutral state, instead suggesting a political theory based on the specific values and traditions of each community. The party's position in the Shah Bano case and the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi controversy is best described as mono-communitarian, emphasizing Hindu supremacy at the expense of minority rights.

  • 108.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hindu Nationalism and the Quest for a Uniform Civil Code2005In: The Politics of Group Rights: The State and Multiculturalism / [ed] Ishtiaq Ahmed, Lanham: University Press of America , 2005, p. 169-188Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 109.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hindu Political Thought2011In: The Encyclopedia of Political Science / [ed] Kurian, George Thomas, Washington D.C.: CQ Press , 2011Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 110.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholm University. Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    ”Including Women: Strategies of Mobilization within the Hindu nationalist movement”2009In: India Review, ISSN 1473-6489, E-ISSN 1557-3036, Vol. 8, no 4, p. 385-403Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 111.
    Bergstroem, Carl-Fredrik
    et al.
    Stockholm University.
    Farrell, Henry
    Heritier, Adrienne
    Legislate or delegate?: Bargaining over implementation and legislative authority in the EU2007In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 30, no 2, p. 338-366Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explains how actors' ability to bargain successfully in order to advance their institutional preferences has changed over time as a function of the particular institutional context. Actors use their bargaining power under given institutional rules in order to shift the existing balance between legislation and delegation, and shift the rules governing delegation in their favour between formal treaty changes. A collective actor's preferences over delegation is a function of whether the actor has more ability to influence policy through delegation or through legislation. The degree to which a specific actor's preferences can prevail (in a setting in which different actors have different preferences) will depend upon its bargaining power under existing institutional rules, i.e. its ability to impede or veto policy in order to change the division between legislation and delegation and the rules of delegation. The primary focus in this article is on choice over procedure, i.e. the battles over whether or not delegation or legislation should be employed. A secondary focus is on change in procedure. The article examines the evolution of the debate over comitology and implementation over five key periods and scrutinises how actors within these periods have sought to shift the balance of legislation and delegation and the rules of delegation according to their preferences.

  • 112. Bexell, Magdalena
    et al.
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Uhlin, Anders
    Democracy in Global Governance: The Promises and Pitfalls of Transnational Actors2010In: Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, ISSN 1075-2846, E-ISSN 1942-6720, Vol. 16, no 1, p. 81-101Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The participation of transnational actors in global policymaking is increasingly seen as a means to democratize global governance. Drawing on alternative theories of democracy and existing empirical evidence, we assess the promises and pitfalls of this vision. We explore how the structuring and operation of international institutions, public-private partnerships, and transnational actors themselves may facilitate expanded participation and enhanced accountability in global governance. We find considerable support for an optimistic verdict on the democratizing potential of transnational actor involvement, but also identify hurdles in democratic theory and the practice of global governance that motivate a more cautious outlook. In conclusion, we call for research that explores the conditions for democracy in global governance through a combination of normative political theory and positive empirical research.

  • 113.
    Birgersson, Bengt Owe
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kommunen som serviceproducent.: Kommunal service och serviceattityder i 36 svenska kommuner.1975Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 114. Birgersson, Bengt Owe
    et al.
    Tarschys, DanielStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Vem håller i rodret: uppsatser1978Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 115.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Basic Income Reconsidered: Social Justice, Liberalism, and the Demands of Equality2012 (ed. 1)Book (Refereed)
  • 116.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Introduction: Basic Income, Sustainability and Post-Productivism2010In: Basic Income Studies, E-ISSN 1932-0183, Vol. 4, no 2, p. Art 3-1-7Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 117.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Just Distribution: Rawlsian Liberalism and the Politics of Basic Income2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Should liberal egalitarians endorse the idea of an unconditional basic income for all? This thesis defends a politics of unconditional universalism, offering a liberty-respecting and non-perfectionist basis for maximin-guided policies. The argument starts off from a Rawlsian justification of basic income in the context of institutional ideal theory. This view is based on the aim of maximising the prospects of the least advantaged in ways consistent with a robust protection of people’s effective freedom, the social bases of self-respect and access to meaningful activities at each stage of their lives.

    The thesis then moves on to specify such a position in response to objections based on ideas of fair cooperation and strong reciprocity. Linking John Rawls’ arguments on property-owning democracy to Philippe Van Parijs’ case for ‘gift-equalisation’, the study defends the view that a basic income is not inherently exploitative or beyond the scope of justice. To the extent that unconditional universalism is tied to the idea of sharing gift-like resources, it is just a matter of distributing wealth to which nobody has a justified prior claim, not an unfair redistribution of labour income.

    Introducing a problem of feasibility, however, the thesis also argues that unconditional wealth sharing may fail to meet liberal commitments and to counter structural exploitation unless constrained by other requirements of justice. The latter include a minimal autonomy constraint on maximin-objectives and the set of in kind transfers and social infrastructure needed to foster the activities and virtues on which the stability of this ideal relies. The thesis concludes with a study on the application of such standards to real-world conditions. It is argued that policy options combining a modest basic income with work-based social insurance and universal access to social services are more promising than strategies where a high basic income would replace core components of the welfare state.

  • 118.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Radical liberalism, Rawls and the welfare state: Justifying the politics of basic income2010In: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772, Vol. 13, no 4, p. 495-516Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In response to recent policy trends towards linking social rights more tightly to work requirements, this article argues that those sharing Rawlsian commitments have good reasons to prefer a radical-liberal policy agenda with a universal basic income at its core. Compared to its main rivals in present policy debates, the politics of basic income has greater potential to promote the economic life prospects of the least advantaged in a way that provides a robust protection for the bases of social recognition and non-subservience. The argument seeks to establish that these concerns should be ascribed priority in the most plausible balancing of Rawlsian objectives and that doing so generates a strong case for basic income. As recent arguments for basic income have suggested that Rawls' theory is insufficient to make the case for such a reform, this analysis also demonstrates that a powerful argument for basic income can be built on Rawlsian foundations alone.

  • 119.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Review of Daniel Raventós' Basic Income: The Material Conditions of Freedom2008In: Basic Income Studies, Vol. 3, no 2Article, book review (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 120.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Två föreställningar om jämlikhet: Om rättvisa, självrespekt och välfärdspolitik2010In: Tidsskrift for velferdsforskning, ISSN 0809-2052, E-ISSN 2464-3076, Vol. 13, no 2, p. 70-82Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 121. Bjarnegård, Elin
    et al.
    Kreutz, JoakimStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is. How it came about. Will it last?2017Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    East Asia used to be the world’s deadliest battleground but since the 1980s there has been a sudden and marked reduction in battle deaths. This phenomenon, which has become known as the East Asian Peace, has spurred much debate. This volume reflects on some of the most prominent of these debates. Here, it focuses more on presenting and evaluating a variety of themes in relation to each other rather than offering simplistic answers to a complex question. While the chapters of this volume obviously discuss processes and events in East Asia, its contributions also offer insights to the core general questions for understanding peace and conflict. What is peace and how can it be studied? How can we characterize the East Asian Peace? What limits and conditions are associated with this peace? Can insights from East Asia explain overall regional trends of political violence? Does the way in which peace come about impact on the quality of peace? Is the East Asian peace under threat? If so, then why is this and where is the threat coming from?

  • 122.
    Bjerser, Petter
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    Tipping the Parliamentary Talk, Sprinting the Climate Policy Walk: A Computational Content Analysis using Natural Language Processing to describe the Swedish Parliamentary Climate Debate 2010-2021 and the Evidence for and Transformative Potential of Social Tipping2022Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 40 credits / 60 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Social tipping in Swedish Parliamentary Debate on Climate Change can access transformative policy pathways to realise safe and just futures for all. In this thesis, social tipping processes is applied as a theory of social change to understand, identify, and navigate such instances of abrupt self-reinforcing change. The aim is to describe topics of the Swedish Parliamentary Debate on Climate Change 2010-2021, understand how political salience affects the structure of debate, and identify barriers and enablers for social tipping in parliamentary debate. In this pursuit, a mixed-methods approach based on computational content analysis is applied to study patterns emerging from two natural language processing models, a deep learning classifier and a Structural Topic Model. The results indicate that the last decade was decisive to diversifying the parliamentary debate on climate change beyond energy politics, as contemporary debate has a broader focus on the green transition of industry and transportation. Since early 2018, the intensity of debate has doubled from 2.5% to 5% of parliamentary debate, plausibly due to increased issue contention between governing parties and coalitions. Two case studies of politically salient topics, climate targets (16) and energy politics (22), indicate that social tipping in parliamentary debate is a complex and context dependent social process. The political consensus on Sweden’s long-term goals carries transformative potential, however, as climate issues are increasingly contested there is an increased risk of policy lock-ins. To facilitate social tipping, parliamentarians should transcend imaginary lock-ins to the status quo by promoting global diffusion of stringent net-zero targets and inclusive and fair policies for the green transition. 

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  • 123.
    Björkbom, Camilla
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Respect for animals - with what implications?: A critical policy analysis of the Swedish Animal Welfare Act2020Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In this thesis I interrogate the concept of respect for animals, or intrinsic value, in the new Swedish Animal Welfare Act adopted in 2018. I draw on poststructural theory and conceptual input from political theory as well as Martha Nussbaum’s capability approach. Through the WPR method I analyze government propositions and official government reports between 2011 and 2018, related to the new animal welfare act. The previous Animal Welfare Act from 1988 is used to assess conceptual change in the thirty years that have passed between the two animal welfare acts. Even though respect for animals does not have material legal impact for the animals and cannot be said to constitute a conceptual shift compared to the previous law adopted in 1988, I draw attention to the political implications of the introduction of respect for animals. By analyzing the problem representations and the conceptual logics in the documents, I show how discourses around competitiveness, profitability and productivity in the animal-based food sector were aligned with the global threats of climate change mitigation and antimicrobial resistance, and how these values were seen as state responsibilities while the protection of animals’ intrinsic value became seen as an individual moral responsibility. As a consequence the policy question of what the recognition of animals’ intrinsic value in the law ought to mean as a political issue of justice remained unaddressed. I also show how the emphasis on science in the balancing of animal interests against economic interests has limiting effects on citizens’ political agency. 

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    Respect for animals
  • 124.
    Blad, Torsten
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The discursive battle for Lysekil: An argumentative discourse analysis of the Swedish Preem refinery debate2020Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis investigates the role of discourse in our understanding of environmental issues, using an argumentative discourse analytical approach developed by Maarten Hajer. The case under study is the public debate around the Preem refinery expansion in the Swedish town of Lysekil, which mainly took place between 2019–2020. Particularly interesting about this case was the puzzling fact that all actors involved used climate-change mitigation as their main argument, regardless of being for or against the expansion, thus signalling differences in problem perception and representation. The ensuing public debate furthermore provided the opportunity to study Swedish environmental discourse in a non-traditional political arena. The results show the existence of four distinct discourses in the debate: one reformist, one pragmatic, one legalist, and one industrialist. All four refer to climate-change in their arguments but use it to promote different and conflicting actions. Interestingly, the results also show that both the reformist and the industrialist discourses were equally frequent in the debate, indicating the presence of two dominant discourses rather than one. Furthermore, despite the reformist being strictly anti-expansion and the industrialist being for expansion, they showed similarities in their ideological standpoints. Both discourses showed signs of ecomodernism, indicating a diversity within the Swedish ecomodernist discourse. Lastly, I conclude that the different discourses can be understood through the concept of discursive closure, where the ambiguity and simplification of concepts like climate-change lead actors to interpret it differently despite agreeing on the realness and severity of the issue.

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    Blad T master's thesis – The discursive battle for Lysekil 2020
  • 125.
    Blomdahl, Mikael
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Political Use of Force: Beyond National Security Considerations as a Source of American Foreign Policy2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In addressing the question of what explains the tendency of the presidents of the United States to use military force on many occasions to solve international problems the realist perspective has been strongly dominant in political science. This study sets out to address and challenge whether what may be called realist privilege still qualifies as an understanding of this American phenomenon. The key research question is to investigate whether or not the understanding of the U.S. use of force can be reduced to international factors solely. This study presents the argument that perspectives or theories that do not consider and cover domestic political processes and factors in their explanations must be regarded as incomplete. Two frameworks based on realism and domestic politics are developed and used in order to answer why U.S. presidents use military force at the international level. The author applies a decision-making approach derived from foreign policy analysis in order to compare and examine the U.S. missile actions against Libya in 1986, Iraq in 1993 and Sudan and Afghanistan in 1998. This study finds clear support for the significance of domestic political factors for the understanding of the U.S. use of force. This work concludes that since domestic political factors matter, even at times of heightened concern about national security, this contradicts and poses a serious challenge to realists’ assumptions regarding the motives of states. When using a decision-making approach that opens the so-called black box, the book demonstrates that domestic political factors, such as the U.S. Congress and American public constrain presidents when authorizing the use of force. To reduce the understanding of the U.S. use of force to international factors solely is, therefore, to overlook significant contributions from the U.S. domestic political context as a source of the presidential use of force.

  • 126.
    Blomstrand, Rickard
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    En strid om verkligheten och Nato: En studie av Natoförespråkare i Sveriges riksdag2015Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
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    fulltext
  • 127.
    Bodin, Per-Arne
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Slavic and Baltic Studies, Finnish, Dutch, and German, Slavic Languages.
    Russian Geopolitical Discourse: On pseudomorphosis, phantom pains and simulacra2016In: Eurasia 2.0: Russian geopolitics in the age of new media / [ed] Mark Bassin, Mikhail Suslov, Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books, 2016, p. 167-184Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 128.
    Bodin, Per-Arne
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures. Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Slavic and Baltic Studies, Finnish, Dutch, and German, Slavic Languages.
    Rysslands gränser i politiken, kyrkan och fantasin2009In: Östbulletinen, Vol. 3, p. 7-19Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 129. Boin, Arjen
    et al.
    Ekengren, Magnus
    Rhinard, Mark
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Making Sense of Sense-Making: the EU’s Role in Collecting, Analysing, and Disseminating Information in Times of Crisis2014Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In an era of transboundary crises, Europe faces the daunting challenge of coordinating joint responses in an effective and timely way. Recent transboundary crises such as the Icelandic Ash Cloud (2010), food contamination incidents and the financial breakdown revealed a key part of that challenge: sifting through relevant information, building an accurate picture of what is happening, and communicating that analysis to political decision-makers. Academic researchers refer to this process in terms of ‘sense-making’. To create joint capacity for sense-making is one of the prominent elements of the EU’s ambitions to play a role in the management of transboundary crises. The number of early-warning, rapid-alert, and common communication platforms in the EU has multiplied in recent years but with little central guidance or overall rationale. This report tries to ‘make sense of sense-making’ tools in the EU by providing the most comprehensive overview to date. We ask what sense-making tools are available at the EU level, document what they are intended to do, and explore what these tools offer in terms of ‘added-value’ to European states. Using official documents, secondary literature and interviews with policy officials, this report maps the sense-making landscape of the EU. After drawing out key patterns and offering an inventory of tools relevant to sense-making, we conclude by discussing the problems and prospects of the EU’s role.

  • 130. Boin, Arjen
    et al.
    Ekengren, Magnus
    Rhinard, Mark
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Sweden.
    Sensemaking in crises: What role for the EU?2014In: Crisis rooms: Towards a global network? / [ed] Patryk Pawlak, Andrea Ricci, EU Institute for Security Studies , 2014, p. 118-128Chapter in book (Other academic)
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  • 131. Boin, Arjen
    et al.
    Rhinard, Mark
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Visuri, Pekka
    Civil Security and the European Union: A survey of European civil security systems and the role of the EU in building shared crisis management capacities2014Report (Other academic)
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  • 132.
    Boman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Education.
    The co-existence of nationalism, Westernization, Russification and Russophobia: Facets of parallelization in the Russian invasion of Ukraine2023In: International Politics, ISSN 1384-5748, E-ISSN 1740-3898Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 133. Borchorst, Anette
    et al.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Christensen, Ann-Dorte
    Ligestillingspolitik som diskurs og praksis2003Book (Other academic)
  • 134. Borchorst, Anette
    et al.
    Freidenvall, Lenita
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kantola, Johanna
    Reisel, Liza
    Teigen, Mari
    Institutionalizing Intersectionality in the Nordic Countries: Anti-Discrimination and Equality in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden2012In: INSTITUTIONALIZING INTERSECTIONALITY: THE CHANGING NATURE OF EUROPEAN EQUALITY REGIMES / [ed] Andrea Krizsan, Hege Skjeie, Judith Squires, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, p. 59-88Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 135.
    Borisch, Victor
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ett ljus i polariseringens mörka tunnel?: En innehållsanalys av ranked-choice-voting (RCV) systemets påverkan på polarisering.2023Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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  • 136.
    Boréus, Kristina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Discursive discrimination of the 'mentally deficient' in interwar Sweden2006In: Disability & Society, Vol. 22, no 6Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article shows, firstly, one way in which discrimination in discourse, that is, discrimination performed through the use of language, can be studied with the help of a set of concepts: exclusion from discourse; negative other-presentation; objectification; and proposals pointing towards unfavourable treatment. The concept of othering is also used. Secondly, an empirical study of the discursive treatment of people labelled 'mentally deficient' in interwar Sweden is presented. The parliamentary debate on a new sterilisation law, encyclopaedic entries and medical descriptions are focused. The results reveal that the group in question was blatantly discriminated against, by means of all of the forms of discursive discrimination mentioned, and was also othered. It is suggested that the set of concepts could be useful for comparative studies of discursive treatment of people categorised as 'mentally deficient' in other countries during the same period and for studies of possible contemporary discrimination.

  • 137.
    Boréus, Kristina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Diskriminering med ord2005Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Boken behandlar på ett populärvetenskapligt sätt hur man kan analysera diskriminering med språkliga medel. Den presenterar ett analysschema för olika former av diskriminering med ord och ger exempel från tre empiriska studier: en om den diskursiva behandlingen av "sinnesslöa" i svensk offentlig debatt på 1920- och 1930-talet, en om den diskursiva behandlingen av "dövstumma" och döva på 1930-talet, 1970-talet och 1990-talet, samt en om mediedebatt om invandrare och mångkultur på 2000-talet.

  • 138.
    Boréus, Kristina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Diskrimineringens retorik: En studie av svenska valrörelser 1988-20022006Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    I studien undersöks strukturell diskriminering med språkliga medel riktad mot den invandrade delen av befolkningen i svenska valrörelser 1988-2002.

  • 139.
    Boréus, Kristina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Makt2009In: Politisk teori, Malmö: Liber , 2009, p. 114-132Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 140.
    Boréus, Kristina
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Bergström, Göran
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Textens mening och makt: Metodbok i samhällsvetenskaplig textanalys2000Book (Other academic)
  • 141.
    Boréus, Kristina
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Patterned Inequalities and the Inequality Regime of a Swedish Housing Company2015In: Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies, E-ISSN 2245-0157, Vol. 5, no 4, p. 105-124Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, the authors analyze inequalities between different groups of employees at a housing company in a larger Swedish city. The concept of inequality regime is taken as a point of departure. The purposes of the article are three: first, to add to knowledge of how inequality is generated at an organizational level at specific workplaces; second, to contribute to the understanding of how different practices, processes, and meanings of inequality regimes may interact to create and reinforce inequalities between natives and immigrants; and, third, to contribute to the empirical usefulness of the concept of inequality regime by demonstrating how it can be operationalized and combined with other concepts in the analysis. The study shows how the practices, processes, and meanings at the given workplace generated and reproduced different kinds of inequalities: unequal wages, an ethnic division of labor, unequal influence and job security, and unequal opportunities to capitalize on useful skills (i.e., language competence). Important conclusions are that different kinds of inequalities may reinforce each other by creating vicious circles, and subtler forms of inequality may partly explain explicit wage inequalities.

  • 142. Bossong, Raphael
    et al.
    Rhinard, MarkStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Explaining EU Internal Security Cooperation: the Problem(s) of Producing Public Goods2015Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Internal security is often hailed as a rapidly expanding area of European integration, with a growing number of strategies, policies and framework agreements in recent years. Yet actual cooperation, when viewed closely, proceeds at a halting pace – raising questions as to why cooperation appears so problematic. This book presents a novel, theoretically-informed way to understand internal security cooperation in Europe. The approach treats internal security as a "public good" requiring collective action amongst sovereign governments. All governments must contribute to the production of a public good; once produced, the public good benefits all governments. Fundamental obstacles to producing a public good thus arise, and can help explain the underlying difficulties facing European cooperation on internal security matters. The chapters in this book apply a public goods approach to different internal security issues, ranging from terrorism to border management, and from environmental security to natural disasters. Each study demonstrates how the various goals of internal security cooperation resemble different forms of public goods – and thus present different kinds of obstacles to effective cooperation. This book fills a theoretical gap in the literature on European internal security cooperation with a proven approach increasingly used in other scholarly fields.

  • 143.
    Bremberg Heijl, Niklas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Between a rock and a hard place: Euro-Mediterranean security revisited2007In: Mediterranean Politics, ISSN 1362-9395, Vol. 12, no 1, p. 1-16Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The study of the EU’s relations with its near abroad is increasingly important in the wake of the 2004 enlargement of the Union because it directly relates to the question whether the EU might help to foster peace and stability in its neighbourhood. Euro-Mediterranean relations are highly interesting in this regard since the EU has a rather long, but not entirely successful, history of trying to promote security and cooperation in its southern vicinity. In this article the Regional Security Complex Theory, developed by Buzan and Waever (2003), is applied to shed new light on security aspects of Euro-Mediterranean

    relations. The article’s main argument is that the ‘ups and downs’ of Euro-Mediterranean security cooperation is better understood if the Mediterranean is not considered as a region in itself but rather as a link between two separated regional security complexes.

  • 144.
    Bremberg, Niklas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Security, Governance and Community beyond the European Union: Exploring Issue-Level Dynamics in Euro-Mediterranean Civil Protection2010In: Mediterranean Politics, ISSN 1362-9395, E-ISSN 1743-9418, Vol. 15, no 2, p. 169-188Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    EU civil protection captures important aspects of the changing security landscape of post-Cold War Europe and the role that the EU now plays in providing safety and security to citizens and societal functions inside and outside the Union. Since the mid-1990s the EU has also promoted regional cooperation on civil protection in the Euro-Mediterranean area. This article aims to explore the issue-level dynamics of Euro-Med civil protection in order to address the main themes of this volume, policy convergence, differentiation and region-building. The main conclusion is that the strong operational component in Euro-Med civil protection has fostered the build-up of a transgovernmental network around the Mediterranean which might serve the goal of partnership and even community-building in the Euro-Mediterranean area.

  • 145.
    Bremberg, Niklas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Security, Governance and Community beyond the European Union: Exploring Issue-Level Dynamics in Euro-Mediterranean Civil Protection2012In: The Challenge of Differentiation in Euro-Mediterranean Relations: Flexible Regional Cooperation or Fragmentation / [ed] Esther Barbé, Anna Herranz-Surrallés, Routledge, 2012, p. 40-59Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 146.
    Bridger, Matthew
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Digital Games – The key to studying Cosmopolitan Democracy?: An investigation into the suitability of Games and MMORPG communities for the study of Cosmopolitan Democracy2020Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study was to identify if digital games could be used as a method to study Cosmopolitan Democracy. Using a mixed methods approach, players of the Final Fantasy XIV (FFXIV) community were asked to answer a questionnaire concerning the importance of age, gender and nationality of other players, in order to see if their values aligned with those of Cosmopolitan Democracy. The questionnaire also investigated the use of the Auto-Translate feature in FFXIV to examine its usefulness as a lingua franca to bridge gaps in language equality. Furthermore a literature review on the use of digital games in education and ideologies was conducted. The results showed that the values of the FFXIV community do align with those of Cosmopolitan Democracy, that Auto-Translate successfully acts as a lingua franca, and that games have a history of teaching players about differing ideologies. The conclusions advocated the creation of a game based on Cosmopolitan Democracy, allowing for players to experience the democratic model and for researchers to gather data on its functionality.

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    Digital Games – The key to studying Cosmopolitan Democracy?
  • 147.
    Bridger, Matthew
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Eorzean Justice: A Mixed Methods study on distributive system fairness and use within a Distributive Justice based society2022Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study was to provide data concerning Distributive Justice system use and perceived fairness by citizens who have participated in a Distributive Justice based society over a long period of time. This data filled a hole in academic studies which had previously focused on datasets from citizens in non-Distributive Justice based societies or participants in short-term experiments. Using a questionnaire, players of the online game Final Fantasy XIV were asked a series of questions concerning their perceptions of fairness and use of varying Distributive models, as well as questions on their perceived relationships to one another and time spent within Final Fantasy XIV. There were four main results of the study. Firstly, Utilitarian and Need based distribution systems were seen as the most fair and used. Secondly, perceived relationships between participants did not majorly affect perceived fairness of Distribution systems. Thirdly, more time spent in Final Fantasy XIV did affect perceived fairness of varying types of Distribution systems. And, finally, the results indicated a Sufficiency based reasoning for using Utilitarian and Need based resource distribution to individuals until groups hit a sufficiency level, at which point the Distribution systems changed to meet new criteria.

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    Eorzean Justice - A Mixed Methods study on distributive system fairness and use within a Distributive Justice based society
  • 148. Broch, Birte
    et al.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hansen, Bodil K.
    Vammen, Tinne
    Kvinder i opbrud: en kildesamling om land- og bykvinder i arbejde og forening omkring år 19001982Book (Other academic)
  • 149. Brosché, Johan
    et al.
    Legnér, Mattias
    Kreutz, Joakim
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Ijla, Akram
    Heritage under attack: motives for targeting cultural property during armed conflict2017In: International Journal of Heritage Studies (IJHS), ISSN 1352-7258, E-ISSN 1470-3610, Vol. 23, no 3, p. 248-260Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Although attacks on cultural property have caused international outcry, our understanding of this phenomenon is still limited. In particular, little research has been directed towards exploring the motivations for such attacks. Therefore, we ask: What are the motives for attacking sites, buildings or objects representing cultural heritage? By combining insights from peace and conflict research with findings from heritage studies we present a typology of motivations for attacking cultural property. We identify four, not mutually exclusive, broad groups of motives: (i) attacks related to conflict goals, in which cultural property is targeted because it is connected to the issue the warring parties are fighting over (ii), military-strategic attacks, in which the main motivation is to win tactical advantages in the conflict (iii), signalling attacks, in which cultural property is targeted as a low-risk target that signals the commitment of the aggressor, and (iv) economic incentives where cultural property provides funding for warring parties. Our typology offers a theoretical structure for research about why, when, and by whom, cultural property is targeted. This is not only likely to provide academic benefits, but also to contribute to the development of more effective tools for the protection of cultural property during armed conflict.

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    fulltext
  • 150.
    Brylla, Charlotta
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Baltic Languages, Finnish and German.
    Die schwedische kommunistische Partei und der Eurokommunismus2010In: Jahrbuch für historische Kommunismusforschung, ISSN 0944-629X, Vol. XVI, no 23, p. 81-91Article in journal (Refereed)
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