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  • 151.
    Brylla, Charlotta
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Baltic Languages, Finnish and German.
    Sozialistische Utopie oder bedrohlicher Oststaat?: Darstellungen der DDR im schwedischen öffentlichen Diskurs 1961-19892007In: Nordeuropa und die beiden deutschen Staaten 1949-1989: Aspekte einer Beziehungsgeschichte im Zeichen des Kalten Krieges / [ed] Jan Hecker-Stampehl, Leipzig & Berlin: Edition Kirchhof & Franke , 2007, p. 199-214Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 152. Bäck, Hanna
    et al.
    Hellström, Johan
    Lindvall, Johannes
    Teorell, Jan
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Pre-electoral coalitions, familiarity, and delays in government formation2024In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 47, no 1, p. 88-112Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    During the past decade, many parliamentary democracies have experienced bargaining delays when forming governments. The previous literature has attributed protracted government formation processes to a high degree of preference uncertainty among the political parties and a high level of bargaining complexity. The article draws on such theories, but also adds a third theoretical mechanism, commitment problems, and highlights two explanatory variables that have not received much attention so far. The first is pre-electoral coalitions, which are declarations by parties stating that they intend to collaborate with each other after the election. The second is familiarity, which is the mutual trust between parties that comes from having worked together in the past. By combining a large-N study of government formation processes in 17 West European parliamentary democracies (1945–2019) with an in-depth case study of the prolonged Swedish government formation process in 2018–2019, it is shown that pre-electoral coalitions that fail to win a majority can sometimes delay, not speed up, government formation. In addition, a lack of familiarity may sometimes lead to a breakdown of negotiations and drawn-out government formation processes. 

  • 153. Bäck, Henry
    et al.
    Håkansson, AndersStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Väljare i kommunalvalet: om missnöje, misstroende och politisk kultur1994Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 154. Bäck, Henry
    et al.
    Soininen, Maritta
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den kommunala invandrarpolitiken: arenor, aktörer och barriärer1998Book (Other academic)
  • 155. Bäck, Henry
    et al.
    Soininen, Maritta
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Flyktingmottagande i förändring: en utvärdering av de verksamhetsmässiga konsekvenserna av det nya statsbidragssystemet till kommunerna för flyktingmottagandet1993Book (Other academic)
  • 156. Bäck, Mats
    et al.
    Möller, Tommy
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Partier och organisationer2003 (ed. 6. upp.)Book (Other academic)
  • 157.
    Carbin, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Det problematiska systerskapet: Purpurfärgen och postkolonial feminism2008In: Feministisk teori i rörliga bilder / [ed] Katharina Tollin & Maria Törnqvist, Malmö: Liber , 2008, 2, p. 83-110Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 158.
    Carbin, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Det problematiska systerskapet: Purpurfärgen och postkolonial feminism2005In: Feministisk teori i rörliga bilder / [ed] Katharina Tollin & Maria Törnqvist, Malmö: Liber , 2005, 1, p. 83-110Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 159.
    Carbin, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mellan tystnad och tal: Flickor och hedersvåld i svensk offentlig politik2010Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the contestations around the question of how violence against young women from ethnic minorities was articulated in Swedish public policy debates from 1995-2008. One core question investigated in this study is how the “new” problem of co called honour killings is categorised and understood within gender equality policies against violence and policies of immigrant integration. The thesis explores how different discourses compete and negotiate to make sense of the violence and try to stabilise meaning. Another aim of the thesis concerns the construction of available subject positions for young women, and the potential effects in terms of possibilities and restrictions for subjects to speak politically. The research material consists of parliamentary debates, major government documents, official government inquiries into integration and gender equality, as well as documents from the Swedish Integration Board and the County Administrative Boards. The analysis draws upon discourse theory and feminist postcolonial theory to explore what positions are made available to young women in policy discourses. Four competing discourses are identified: a multicultural discourse, a discourse of value-clashes, a discourse of structural discrimination and finally a gender power-discourse. However, in policies against honour related violence the violence is primarily understood as originating in a cultural and value-based heritage of certain immigrant communities. This study furthermore illustrates how girls are required to speak and make testimonies on their situation. The ways the stories of the girls are used make them into boundary markers between Swedish and non-Swedish. It is argued that letting the girls speak and listen to them might make it possible to understand some of the potential problems they face. Nevertheless, it might not form an agenda for changing the bigger political picture.

  • 160.
    Carbin, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Beckman, LudvigStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.Mörkenstam, UlfStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.Reinikainen, JouniStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.Näsström, SofiaStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Texter i samtida politisk teori2009Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 161.
    Castaldo Lundén, Elizabeth
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Fashion Studies.
    Dior Salve a la Reina: Cristina Fernández's Fashionable Pleasures and her Constant War Against the Media2013Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Is an austerity discourse compatible with ostentation? And if so, how can the contempt against the middle class be compatible with the veneration of a wealthy leader? Why is Cristina Fernandez’s indulgent luxury forgiven while the working middle class is stigmatized as privileged oligarchs? How does this relate to the controversial and iconic figure of Eva Duarte de Perón? The paper describes the dichotomy between Cristina Fernandez’s national populist discourse and her personal preference for high-end brands that had turned her into a fashion icon, capturing the attention of fashion bloggers, international newspapers, and even Vogue. Theoretically framed by O’Donell’s conceptualization of Delegative Democracies, the presentation will explore how disguised under a veneer of socialism—and pursuing Chavez’s model for Venezuela—Argentina’s president has mobilized a campaign to control the local Media leading to a confrontation with those journalists who persistently try to unmask her luxurious lifestyle, shopping preferences, and unclear finances. This contradiction between luxury and utterance is not new to the Argentine masses. The iconic figure of Evita was often under attack, accused of enjoying the same lifestyle as those she criticized. The parallelism between these two figures draws an interesting conclusion about the role of Media, performance, nostalgia, and fandom in Latin-American politics.

    *Play on words exchanging Dios (God in Spanish) for Dior as in “Dior (God) Save the Queen.”

  • 162.
    Chahboun, Naima
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The limits of nonideal duties: a partial vindication of fair shares2024In: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Does the failure of others to comply with collective duties create duties for us to step in and do their share? Defenders of the so-called duty to take up the slack answer this question in the positive. Against their view, defenders of fair shares argue that we only have a duty to contribute our fair share to discharging the collective duty. This paper offers a partial vindication of Liam Murphy’s account of fair shares. I argue that three common objections to fair shares fail to rebut Murphy’s account. On the reading I propose, fair shares may ground as – or more – extensive duties towards third parties as the duty to take up the slack. In addition, fair shares provides something that defenses of slack-taking tend to omit – an account of the limits of our nonideal duties. The paper highlights previously overlooked aspects of Murphy’s account and paves the way for future discussions about slack-taking in the domain of global politics.

  • 163.
    Chahboun, Naima
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The moral benefits of coercion: A defense of ideal statism2024In: Politics, Philosophy and Economics, ISSN 1470-594X, E-ISSN 1741-3060, Vol. 23, no 1, p. 47-66Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper contributes to recent discussions on ideal anarchism vs. ideal statism. I argue, contra ideal anarchists, that coercive state institutions would be justified even in a society populated by morally perfect individuals. My defense of ideal statism is novel in that it highlights the moral benefits of state coercion. Rather than the practical effects on individual compliance or the distributive outcomes that follow therefrom, coercive state institutions are justified through the moral benefits they provide. The state is morally beneficial because it a) lessens the demands on the will that fall on agents under ideal anarchism, and b) counters the structural domination that follows from differences in natural endowments. By shifting the focus of the debate from feasibility to desirability, the paper exposes the flaws of ideal anarchism and provides new insights into the moral value of the state.

  • 164.
    Chalmers, Adam William
    et al.
    Leiden University.
    Dellmuth, Lisa Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Fiscal redistribution and public support for European integrationIn: European Union Politics, ISSN 1465-1165, E-ISSN 1741-2757, no 16:3, p. 386-407Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article contributes to existing debates on public opinion towards European integration by examining when and why fiscal transfers and public support are systematically related. Drawing on economic and identity-related theories, we develop and test hypotheses about the links between EU fiscal transfers among countries and subnational jurisdictions, and citizens’ support for European integration. Using a three-level analysis of residents in 143 regions in 16 EU member states, we find a positive effect of EU transfers among both countries and subnational jurisdictions on support for European integration among those with a European communal identity. We also find that this effect increases the more politically aware individuals are. The article sketches the broader implications of our findings for public opinion research on regional integration beyond the European Union.

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  • 165.
    Champlin, Daniel
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Lisbon Treaty and Parliaments: Status, Democracy, and Opinions2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
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    Lisbon Treaty Champlin
  • 166. Christoyannopoulos, Alexandre
    et al.
    Adams, Matthew S.
    Essays in anarchism and religion: Volume 12017Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Anarchism and religion have historically had an uneasy relationship. Indeed, representatives of both sides have regularly insisted on the fundamental incompatibility of anarchist and religious ideas and practices. Yet, ever since the emergence of anarchism as an intellectual and political movement, a considerable number of religious anarchists have insisted that their religious tradition necessarily implies an anarchist political stance. Their stories are finally gaining increasing public and scholarly attention.

    Reflecting both a rise of interest in anarchist ideas and activism on the one hand, and the revival of religious ideas and movements in the political sphere on the other, this book examines a range of examples of overlaps and contestations between the two from a diverse range of academic perspectives.

    The first pioneering volume of Essays in Anarchism & Religion comprises eight essays from leading international scholars on topics ranging from the anarchism of the historical Jesus to Zen Buddhism and the philosophies of Max Stirner and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon.

    In a world where political ideas increasingly matter once more, and religion is an increasingly visible aspect of global political life, these essays offer scholarly analysis of overlooked activists, ideas and movements, and as such reveal the possibility of a powerful critique of contemporary global society.

  • 167.
    Cisneros Örnberg, Jenny
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Social Research on Alcohol and Drugs (SoRAD).
    The de-monopolization of pharmaceutical retail in Sweden: Policy, actors and arguments.2012In: A welfare policy patchwork: negotiating the public good in times of transition / [ed] Matilda Hellman, Gun Roos, Julius von Wright, Helsinki: Nordic Centre for Welfare and Social Issues (NVC) , 2012, p. 101-121Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter analyses the regulation of pharmaceuticals in Sweden, with special emphasis on the demonopolization of retail trade in 2009 and the actors and arguments involved in the process. It shows how differences in ideologies and values affect policy outcomes and create different possibilities to organize the market. Furthermore, the chapter discusses the implications of the regulatory changes and looks at how the changes to the organization of Swedish pharmacies have affected ordinary citizens. It is concluded that the regulation of pharmaceuticals has received much political debate in Sweden, but that the issue has nonetheless been hard to resolve. Over time there has been a shift in argumentation from a non-acceptance of profits and an emphasis on safe pharmaceuticals management in the 1970s to the current profit thinking with a view to increasing efficiency, availability and service standards. The Hanner case acted as a catalyst in a period when neither of the political blocs were interested in putting a reformation of pharmacies on the political agenda. The new system has so far improved availability. Expectations of lower prices and greater customer satisfaction have not been met in the same manner.

  • 168.
    Cisneros Örnberg, Jenny
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Social Research on Alcohol and Drugs (SoRAD).
    The Europeanization of Swedish Alcohol Policy2009Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this dissertation is to study the Europeanization of Swedish alcohol policy from 1995-2006. It analyses the development of Swedish and European alcohol policy and answers the following research questions: How has alcohol policy developed on the national and the EU level during this period? What are the Swedish alcohol policy initiatives on the EU level? What does the interplay between Swedish and European policy processes look like? Of interest for this dissertation is also how the Swedish view on alcohol policy has been received on EU level.

    The dissertation comprises four related articles and an introductory chapter. In the articles official documents and interviews are analyzed in the context of the literature on Europeanization, using the concepts framing, narrative and new modes of governance. Article I explores the history of negotiations between Sweden and the EU on the traveller’s allowances question. Article II and III analyse how Swedish authorities, first through research and later through formal policy-making during the Swedish Presidency, tried to reframe alcohol on the EU-level. Finally, the fourth article is a comparative analysis of the Nordic retail monopolies, analyzing how the monopolies have developed and reacted to national and international pressures on their activities.

    The dissertation shows that Swedish authorities have influenced the EU level by putting alcohol on the agenda, and offered pressure and economic support to make sure that alcohol as a public health question has become and been kept as a prioritized question. This development is, however, nested inside the changing scope and emphasis of the EU. The emergence of a European alcohol policy as a public health-oriented process has been made possible through a new focus on the EU level, with increased cooperation between member states and a trend toward harmonization of policy and frames when it comes to alcohol.

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  • 169. Croicu, Mihai
    et al.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Communication Technology and Reports on Political Violence: Cross-National Evidence Using African Events Data2017In: Political research quarterly, ISSN 1065-9129, E-ISSN 1938-274X, Vol. 17, no 1, p. 19-31Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The spread of Internet and mobile phone access around the world has implications for both the processes of contentious politics and subsequent reporting of protest, terrorism, and war. In this paper, we explore whether political violent events that occur close to modern communication networks are systematically better reported than others. Our analysis approximates information availability by the level of detail provided about the date of each political violent event in Africa from 2008 to 2010 and finds that although access to communication technology improves reporting, the size of the effect is very small. Additional investigation finds that the effect can be attributed to the ability of journalists to access more diverse primary sources in remote areas due to increased local access to modern communication technology.

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  • 170.
    Curtis, Reed T.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Education.
    Without mast, without sails, without compass: Non-traditional trajectories into higher education and the duality of the folk-market2020Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1809, the trajectory of Swedish history and the identities associated with the country changed after Finland was lost to Russia. Swedish General von Döbeln explained that the loss left the nation "without mast, without sails, without compass." The research within this dissertation is not of war but of a similar sense of loss. The loss of the folk-home.

    Through an abductive case-study of present-day students entering higher education, the author explores the sociocultural history of Sweden, the Swedish education system, student self-efficacy beliefs, and the educational trajectories students experience on their way into higher education. This research uses a mixed methods design where a quantitative survey and qualitative narrative interviews complement each other. First, students within an introduction to university learning summer course at a large research university in Sweden completed a psychosocial survey measuring their self-efficacy beliefs about their academic skills and career decision making abilities. A statistically significant correlation was found between the two measures. 

    Second, 11 students from the same course participated in narrative interviews where they detailed their educational trajectories between upper-secondary education and higher education. The author constructed, analyzed, mapped, and discussed each narrative using careership and social cognitive theory. Students within this study suggest that their transition between compulsory education and upper-secondary education was particularly impactful and shaped their self-efficacy beliefs and educational trajectories into higher education. Students describe a lonely process of upper-secondary education decision making at the age of 15 when they were sent to market without preparation, without support, and without the necessary tools. The majority eventually changed academic programs and schools during upper-secondary education. This led to lengthy ruptures outside of formal education that significantly delayed their progress towards graduation. Students only later decided to pursue a non-traditional trajectory into higher education after the negative self-efficacy beliefs they developed during these ruptures were challenged externally.

    Lastly, previous research, theory, and the empirical findings were systematically combined through an interactive process of abduction. First, the author developed the concept of the folk-market, which better represents the current neoliberal welfare model present in late modern Sweden. The folk-market must be understood as a duality. The folk-market is both a market for folk and a market of folk. Citizens are both the consumers and the consumed. Second, the author presents folk-market theory, which suggests that neoliberal reforms that embed markets within welfare systems alter transition regimes, redirect state responsibility, and distance the connections citizens have with the state. Therefore, the findings suggest that notions of statist individualism misrepresent late modern Sweden. The relationships individuals and families have with the state are now indirect and filtered through the folk-market. This study also indicates that though Swedish, neoliberal, and adolescent narratives of "autonomous youth" are unrealistic, they directly shape educational policy in Sweden. As such, many students in Sweden are left navigating a competitive folk-market without mast, without sails, without compass.

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  • 171.
    Dahlberg, Lena
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Welfare Relationships: Voluntary organisations and local authorities supporting relatives of older people in Sweden2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Sweden is often described as a country with a strong welfare state and little voluntary work. This is as would be expected according to substitution theory, in which extensive welfare systems are assumed to crowd out voluntary activity and thereby limit the potential for voluntary work – there is an inverse relationship between voluntary and statutory activity. A second perspective is welfare pluralism, which is siginified by a purposive duplication of activity by different actors resulting in increased choice for service users. A third perspective is offered by complementarity theory. In this theory, different actors are assumed to have different characteristics, strengths, and weaknesses, which make them suitable for performing different tasks.

    The purpose of the thesis is to examine the variation in welfare service provision by voluntary organisations and local authorities in Sweden. This includes determining whether there is a statistical association between voluntary and statutory service provision. The thesis also explores the interaction between voluntary organisations and local authorities, that is how they are related in terms of collaboration, competition, support, and influence, and the actors’ own views on roles, responsibilities, motives etc.

    The thesis is based on two national surveys and on in-depth interviews. Questionnaires were sent to 358 Swedish voluntary organisations in 1999, and 365 organisations in 2002. At the same time points, 80 local authorities were also surveyed. In 2001, 55 representatives of voluntary organisations and local authorities were interviewed.

    Analysis of the surveys showed no negative relationship between voluntary and statutory service provision cross-sectionally or over time. This was true for both the total amount of activity and when considering individual services. In other words, no evidence for substitution processes was found.

    Although there was an increase in support for relatives in the period studied and a positive relationship between voluntary and statutory activity in 2002, no positive correlation was found within individual support activities. This means that voluntary and statutory activities tended to be of different kinds at a local level. Only rarely could users choose between different service providers, and the situation could not be characterised as indicative of welfare pluralism.

    Voluntary organisations and local authorities were described in terms of different characteristics by interviewees, as would be expected by complementarity theory. Nevertheless, there were overlaps in service provision, questioning the validity of complementarity theory with its emphasis on matching of characteristics and tasks.

    However, at a local level voluntary organisations and local authorities rarely carried out similar tasks. There is thus extensive complementarity at a local level. It is argued that this complementarity is due to the strong ideology that voluntary organisations should complement local authorities, rather than due to the different characteristics of the actors.

  • 172. Dahlberg, Stefan
    et al.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Partiernas väljare och väljarnas val av parti2016In: Sametingsval: Väljare, partier och media / [ed] Ragnhild Nilsson, Stefan Dahlberg, Ulf Mörkenstam, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2016, p. 155-179Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 173. Dahlberg, Stefan
    et al.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Valdeltagande i valet till Sametinget 20132016In: Sametingsval: Väljare, partier och media / [ed] Ragnhild Nilsson, Stefan Dahlberg, Ulf Mörkenstam, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2016, p. 129-154Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 174. Dahlberg, Stefan
    et al.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Valdeltagande, skiljelinjer och legitimitet: en jämförelse med Norge2016In: Sametingsval: Väljare, partier och media / [ed] Ragnhild Nilsson, Stefan Dahlberg, Ulf Mörkenstam, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2016, p. 289-311Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 175. Dahlberg, Stefan
    et al.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Nilsson, Ragnhild
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Inledning2016In: Sametingsval: Väljare, partier och media / [ed] Ragnhild Nilsson, Stefan Dahlberg, Ulf Mörkenstam, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2016, p. 27-43Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 176.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Blomster & spark1985Book (Other academic)
  • 177.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Electoral Gender Quotas: Between Equality of Opportunity and Equality of Result2007In: Representation, ISSN 0034-4893, Vol. 43, no 2, p. 73-92Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In almost 100 countries throughout the world, parties and parliaments have responded to growing national and international pressure to increase women’s political representation by

    introducing electoral gender quotas.

    Opponents often see quotas as a violation of the liberal principle of merit. In contrast, quota advocates see gender quotas as a compensation for direct or structural discrimination against women and as an effective instrument for achieving gender balance in political institutions, which is considered essential for democratic development.

    Based on data on electoral gender quotas from all over the world, this article discusses the basic principles of gender quotas in politics. It is shown that many different types of gender quotas are in use and that various types are preferred in different regions in the world. Variations are also

    found according to level of democracy and electoral system.

    The implication of different quota regimes, defined as the combination of the electoral system and the quota type applied, is scrutinised in relation to two different concepts of equality: equality of opportunity and equality of result. It is concluded that – contrary to what is commonly believed – electoral gender quotas come closer to providing real equality of opportunity than equality of result. Quota regimes may even increase competition over elected positions, since gender quotas change the most common de facto situation, where men only compete with men.

  • 178.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Engendering representative democracy2011In: The Future of Representative Democracy / [ed] Sonia Alonso, John Keane and Wolfgang Merkel, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 2011, p. 144-168Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Fifty years ago politics was totally male dominated. Since then, a process of engendering has taken place. Based on the feminist critique of gender blind democratic theory and practice, this article discusses the ‘how’, the’ who’ and the ‘what’ of representation. It is argued that a new global discourse of exclusion has shifted the focus from women’s (lack of) resources and political differences between women to the lack of inclusiveness of the political institutions themselves. To the normative link between the inclusion of women and other under-represented groups and representative democracy, a new link is added at the meso-level, stressing the procedural link between the how and the who. Gender quotas make such a link, opening up the ‘secret garden of nominations’ in making the important processes of selection and nomination of candidates for election more formalized and transparent.

  • 179.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Introduction1986In: The new women's movement: feminism and political power in Europe and the USA / [ed] Drude Dahlerup, London: Sage , 1986, p. 1-25Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 180.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kvinder på Tinge (Women in Parliament)1990Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 181.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ligestilling ja! Men Hvordan? Ligestillingstiltag i den offentlige forvaltning.1990Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 182.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ligestillingsforståelser i svenske og daske partier: Er en borgerlig ligestillingspolitik under udvikling?2007In: Tidsskriftet Politik, ISSN 1604-0058, Vol. 10, no 2, p. 6-16Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Forskellene er fortsat store mellem svensk og dansk politik, når der gælder de grundlæggende forestillinger om ligestilling. Men den nye svenske, borgerlige regering er på vej til at bryde den socialdemokratisk dominerede konsensus i ligestillingspolitikken. I Danmark er ligestillingen ifølge regeringen stort set opnået - men kun for de indfødte.

  • 183.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Moving on: new perspectives on the women's movement.1991Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 184.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The new women's movement: feminism and political power in the USA and Europe.1986Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 185.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Will Gender Balance in Politics Come by Itself?2007In: Women & Leadership: The State of Play and Strategy for Change, John Wiley & Sons, San Francisco , 2007, p. 227-49Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Starting from the historical changes in the 'acceptable minimum' of women in political assemblies and governments, this article analyses the discoursive controversies about the recent introduction in many countries of gender quotas in politics. Three positions are analysed. Firstly, the liberal oppositoin to quotas, secondly, the feminist opposition to quotas and finally, the feminist advocacy of quotas.

  • 186.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Women in Arab Parliaments: Can Gender Quotas Contribute to Democratization?2009In: al-raida, ISSN 0259-9953, no 126/127, p. 28-38Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Even if women's representation in parliament in the Arab world is the lowest in the world, by the use of electoral gender quotas in various forms, the Arab world has witnessed the highest rate of increasse during the last decade.

  • 187.
    Dahlerup, Drude
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Freidenvall, Lenita
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    "Gender Quotas in Politics - A Constitutional Challenge"2009In: Susan H Williams, ed., Constituting Equality - Gender Equality and Comparative Constitutional Law, Cambridge University Press, 2009., Cambridge, New York etc: Cambrigde University Press , 2009, p. 29-52Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 188. Dancygier, Rafaela
    et al.
    Dehdari, Sirus H.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Stockholm Univ, Dept Polit Sci, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Laitin, David D.
    Marbach, Moritz
    Vernby, Kare
    Stockholm Univ, Dept Polit Sci, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Emigration and radical right populism2024In: American Journal of Political Science, ISSN 0092-5853, E-ISSN 1540-5907Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    An extensive literature links the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties to immigration. We argue that another demographic trend is also significant: emigration. The departure of citizens due to internal and international emigration is a major phenomenon affecting elections via two complementary mechanisms. Emigration alters the composition of electorates, but also changes the preferences of the left behind. Empirically, we establish a positive correlation between PRR vote shares and net-migration loss at the subnational level across Europe. A more fine-grained panel analysis of precincts in Sweden demonstrates that the departure of citizens raises PRR vote shares in places of emigration and that the Social Democrats are the principal losers from emigration. Elite interviews and newspaper analyses explore how emigration produces material and psychological grievances on which populists capitalize and that established parties do not effectively address. Emigration and the frustrations it generates emerge as important sources of populist success.

  • 189.
    Daniel, Tarschys
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den offentliga revolutionen1983 (ed. 2. uppl.)Book (Other academic)
  • 190.
    Daniel, Tarschys
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Europe as invention and necessity1999Book (Other academic)
  • 191.
    Davis, Joanna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Demokrati genom integration: Graden av institutionalisering av Bulgariens och Rumäniens demokratiska institutioner efter EU-medlemskapet2014Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 192.
    de los Reyes, Paulina
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Eduards, MaudStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.Sundevall, FiaStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Internationella relationer: könskritiska perspektiv2013Collection (editor) (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Internationella relationer är en introduktion till genusanalytiska frågeställningar och tolkningar av den internationella ordningen. Boken belyser vikten av könskritiska perspektiv på internationella relationer och ger exempel på skilda sätt att förstå och förklara den internationella ordningens betydelser för människors liv i olika delar av världen. Här ställs frågor om hur globalisering och konflikter samspelar med föreställningar om manligt och kvinnligt. Författarna analyserar och diskuterar könskodade maktstrukturer och ojämlik resursfördelning - både lokalt och globalt. Med utgångspunkt i IR-fältets klassiska temaindelningar lyfter artiklarna fram nya perspektiv och problem, vilket vidgar och fördjupar förståelsen av fältet, såväl vetenskapligt som politiskt. Internationella relationer - könskritiska perspektiv vänder sig till studenter i internationella relationer och angränsande ämnen, men också till andra som är intresserade av könskritiska tolkningar av hur den internationella ordningen fungerar.

  • 193.
    Dellmuth, Lisa M.
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Chalmers, Adam W.
    All spending is not equal: European Union public spending, policy feedback and citizens’ support for the EU2018In: European Journal of Political Research, ISSN 0304-4130, E-ISSN 1475-6765, Vol. 57, no 1, p. 3-23Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While public support is central to the problem-solving capacity of the European Union (EU), we know little about when and why the EU can increase its citizens’ support through spending. Extensive research finds that citizens living in countries that are net beneficiaries of the EU budget are more supportive of the EU, assuming that citizens care equally about all forms of spending. We argue, however, that the amount of spending is only part of the story. Understanding the effects of spending on support requires a consideration of how transfers are spent. Drawing on policy feedback theories in comparative politics, we argue that support for the EU is a function of the fit between EU spending and regional need targeted by spending. Results from a statistical analysis of EU spending on human capital, infrastructure, agriculture, energy, and environmental protection in 126 EU regions over the period 2001- 2011 corroborate our argument. As the EU and other international organizations become increasingly publicly contested, the organizations themselves may increasingly try to shore up public support through spending, but they will only be successful under specific conditions.

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  • 194.
    Dellmuth, Lisa Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The cash divide: the allocation of European Union regional grants2011In: Journal of European Public Policy, ISSN 1350-1763, E-ISSN 1466-4429, Vol. 18, no 7, p. 1016-1033Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    To promote economic and social cohesion, the European Union (EU) structural funds part-finance public investment programmes in European regions with about E30 billion per year. This article develops an explanation for the apportionment of structural funds across EU regions. It is argued that the Commission’s decisions on regional transfer levels reflect its bureaucratic interest and potentially undermine EU goals. Using a new data set on regional transfer payments in the EU-15 from 2000 to 2006, and qualitative interviews with decision-makers, this argument is tested and corroborated. In doing so, it is shown that the recipient regions’ level of economic affluence is necessary, but no sufficient explanatory factor for regional transfer levels. In contrast to previous findings in the literature, the empirical record does not suggest that regional partisan politics has an effect on the size of regional transfer levels.

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  • 195.
    Dellmuth, Lisa Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History and International Relations.
    Scholte, Jan Aart
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Verhaegen, Soetkin
    Citizens, Elites, and the Legitimacy of Global Governance2022Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Contemporary society has witnessed major growth in global governance, yet the legitimacy of global governance remains deeply in question. This book offers the first full comparative investigation of citizen and elite legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. Empirically, it provides a comprehensive analysis of public and elite opinion toward global governance, building on two uniquely coordinated surveys covering multiple countries and international organizations. Theoretically, it develops an individual-level approach, exploring how a person’s characteristics in respect of socioeconomic status, political values, geographical identification, and domestic institutional trust shape legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. The book’s central findings are threefold. First, there is a notable and general elite–citizen gap in legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. While elites on average hold moderately high levels of legitimacy toward international organizations, the general public is decidedly more skeptical. Second, individual-level differences in interests, values, identities, and trust dispositions provide significant drivers of citizen and elite legitimacy beliefs toward global governance, as well as the gap between the two groups. Most important on the whole are differences in the extent to which citizens and elites trust domestic political institutions, which shape how these groups assess the legitimacy of international organizations. Third, both patterns and sources of citizen and elite legitimacy beliefs vary across organizations and countries. These variations suggest that institutional and societal contexts condition attitudes toward global governance. The book’s findings shed light on future opportunities and constraints in international cooperation, suggesting that current levels of legitimacy point neither to a general crisis of global governance nor to a general readiness for its expansion. 

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  • 196.
    Dellmuth, Lisa Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Schraff, Dominik
    Stoffel, Michael F.
    Distributive Politics, Electoral Institutions and European Structural and Investment Funding: Evidence from Italy and France2017In: Journal of Common Market Studies, ISSN 0021-9886, E-ISSN 1468-5965, Vol. 55, no 2, p. 275-293Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Extensive research suggests that political factors bias the domestic allocation of the European Structural and Investment Funds (SIF) in ways that may not be in line with EU goals. This article offers the first systematic and comparative analysis of the role of electoral institutions in shaping county-level allocations of SIF. Drawing on theories of distributive politics and federalism, this article argues that electoral institutions provide politicians in the executive branch of national government with incentives to use at least a part of the SIF to buy votes in NUTS 3-level counties, whereby vote-buying is more common under majority voting than under proportional representation. The results of a statistical analysis of SIF allocations across 202 Italian and French NUTS 3-level counties during 2007–13 confirm this argument. The article concludes by discussing the findings and their implications for future research on EU budgetary implementation and cohesion policy.

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  • 197.
    Dellmuth, Lisa Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Stoffel, Michael F.
    Distributive politics and intergovernmental transfers: The local allocation of European Union structural funds2012In: European Union Politics, ISSN 1465-1165, E-ISSN 1741-2757, Vol. 13, no 3, p. 413-433Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The European Union budget is distributed primarily in the form of intergovernmental grants to sub-state governments, which invest the grants in local projects. Transfers are allocated under the auspices of the European structural funds. This article assesses the causal links between electoral incentives on the recipient side, European funding goals, and local grant allocation. Tobit regressions of the allocation patterns in 419 local districts in Germany for the period 2000–6 suggest the following: although recipient sub-state governments enjoy substantial discretion in selecting projects, their distributive choices are largely in accord with European goals. As theoretically predicted, however, there is robust evidence that sub-state governments’ electoral concerns distort the local allocation of structural funds.

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  • 198.
    Dingu-Kyrklund, Elena
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Research in International Migration and Ethnic Relations (CEIFO).
    Politische Partizipation in Schweden und damit verbundene Aspekte der Integration von ImmigrantInnen2003In: Wiener Hefte zu Migration und Integration in Theorie und Praxis. Defizitäre Demokratie - MigrantInnen in der Politik. Heft 1-2003,, Drava Förlag, Wiener Integrationsfonds, Wien. , 2003Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The article takes up the issue of democratic participation of immigrants in general and in Sweden in particular, especially in the context of elections, in point of access, participation and as an issue of societal integration.

  • 199.
    Djursvik, Jonathan
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Det stora mörkertalet: En jämförande fallstudie mellan Sverige och England/Wales om åtgärder för att öka anmälningsbenägenheten hos personer utsatta för hatbrott2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    There are a lot of hidden statistics regarding the extent of hate crimes in Sweden. Statisticsshow that approximately only 2-4 percent of hate crimes committed because of the victim’ssexual orientation are reported to the police when comparing numbers of actual police reports and the statistics from the national safety survey (Nationella trygghetsundersökningen). In England/Wales the rate of police reports regarding hate crimes motivated by the victims sexual orientation is higher, approximately 31,5 percent of all hate crimes in this category are reported to the police. The governments in both Sweden and England/Wales have in the last years committed to strategies aimed at battling the problems regarding hate crimes, including measures for increased reporting. Through policy analysis and process-tracing, this study has been performed with the purpose of investigating which measures have been taken in the both strategies to see which measures are to be preferred when battling hate crime and increasing the victims’ propensity of reporting hate crimes. The results show that in Sweden the approach have been centrally controlled with goals set by the decision makers high up in the hierarchy, while in England/Wales the methods and measures to a significantly greater extent has been created and customized in discussions with the vulnerable groups. There is also a greater focus on making different ways of reporting hate crimes available to the public in England/Wales in comparison with Sweden whereas the only option available is to report a hate crime directly to the police.

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  • 200.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    In Search of Security After the Collapse of the Soviet Union: Foreign Policy Change in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, 1988-19932008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to explain the evolution of foreign policy in Denmark, Finland and Sweden with regard to Western security cooperation between 1988 and 1993. The study sets out to test two theoretical perspectives on the security cooperation policies of these three small states. The external political perspective is based on the idea that foreign policy is determined by the challenges of a state’s external political environment. The domestic political perspective is based on the idea that phenomena at the domestic level of the state have an impact on how governments cope with external constraints. The primary theoretical ambition is to integrate the findings from these two analyses in order to further an understanding of the mechanisms of foreign policy change in small states.

    In order to study the relationship between the environment and foreign policy change, the author applies a perceptual approach, which means that his intention is to explain foreign policy action on the basis of the perceptions actors have of the environment.

    The author draws a number of conclusions with regard to the mechanisms of foreign policy change. First, a perceptual approach is needed in order to analyze a state’s specific responses to international political change. Second, domestic factors are not only important for foreign policy in general but also for the evolution of security cooperation policy in small states under conditions of fundamental shift in the international system. Third, it is possible to attribute some degree of relative explanatory power to external factors and to assign a range of different roles to domestic factors. Fourth, governments of Western democratic small states pay relatively equal attention to external and domestic considerations when making their foreign policies. However, depending on the situation, the relative potency of external and domestic factors can vary.

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