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  • 151. Beckman, Ludvig
    Democracy and the Right to Exclusion2014Inngår i: Res Publica, ISSN 1356-4765, E-ISSN 1572-8692, Vol. 20, nr 4, s. 395-411Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    A defining feature of democracy is the inclusion of members of the political association. However, the corresponding right to exclusion has attracted undeservedly scant attention in recent debates. In this paper, the nature of the right to exclusion is explored. On the assumption that inclusion requires the allocation of legal power-rights to the people entitled to participate in the making of collective decisions, two conceptions of the right to exclusion are identified: the liberty-right to exclude and the claim-right to exclude. The choice between them depends on the nature of the interests that justifies the power-rights of people included. The position is defended that if rights to democratic participation are power-rights, we must also accept that the people included have claim-rights to the exclusion of non-members.

  • 152.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Democracy, national responsibility and climate change justice2012Inngår i: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, Vol. 19, nr 5, s. 843-864Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Nations are regularly considered the main bearers of responsibility for climatechange. Accordingly, the differences between nations are crucial inunderstanding how responsibilities should be distributed. In this article, Iexamine the relevance of differences in type of political regime to this end.The claim defended here is that democratic institutions are constitutive ofthe conditions for when members of nations can be held responsible as acollective for the outcomes affecting the climate. The implications of thisaccount are demonstrated, first, in relation to claims of historicalresponsibility and, second, in relation to the burdens assigned to Annex Icountries by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Theanalysis shows why democratic institutions – at present and in the past –are essential in order to conclude that the members of a nation shareresponsibility for the harm caused by the aggregate greenhouse emissions oftheir nation. In connection to this analysis, we also show why responsibilityfor the costs of climate change is also sometimes justly placed onauthoritarian nations.

  • 153.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Democratic legitimacy does not require constitutional referendum: On ‘the constitution’ in theories of constituent power2018Inngår i: European Constitutional Law Review, ISSN 1574-0196, E-ISSN 1744-5515, Vol. 14, nr 3, s. 567-583Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 154.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Democratization and inclusion2011Inngår i: Routledge Handbook on Democratization / [ed] Jeffrey Haynes, Abingdon: Routledge, 2011, s. 161-174Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 155.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Demokratipolitikens metoder: Insatser för ett ökat valdeltagande – en kunskapsöversikt2009Rapport (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 156.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Den rimliga integrationen2011Bok (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [sv]

    I Sverige och i många andra länder talas det om vikten av integration. Det har sagts att integration kan betyda vad som helst. Men vilka är det som behöver integreras och vad kan integration betyda i ett demokratiskt samhälle? Handlar det om att leva tillsammans som jämlikar? En gemensam identitet? Och vem ska integreras med vem? På vilket sätt?Utifrån sin nya bok ”Den rimliga integrationen” försöker Ludvig Beckman hitta svaren som tidigare har tagits för givna men i en tid av ökad migration och mångfald måste omvärderas och diskuteras på nytt. Det behövs en ny förståelse av integration – en rimlig integration.

  • 157.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Folket i demokratin2015Inngår i: Demokrati: Historien og Ideene / [ed] Raino Malnes, Dag Einar Thorsen, Oslo: Dreyer Forlag A/S, 2015, s. 33-45Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 158.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Fri åsiktsbildning och yttrandefrihet som individuell rättighet2018Inngår i: Opinionsfrihet och religion / [ed] Bo Lindberg, Stockholm: Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, 2018, s. 113-124Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 159.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Global diffusion and the role of courts in shaping the human right to vote2013Inngår i: The Politics of the Globalization of Law / [ed] Alison Brysk, London: Routledge, 2013Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 160.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Grundbok i idéanalys2005Bok (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 161.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Irregular migration and democracy: the case for inclusion2013Inngår i: Citizenship Studies, ISSN 1362-1025, E-ISSN 1469-3593, Vol. 17, nr 1, s. 48-60Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper examines the democratic status of irregular immigrants from the vantagepoint of different models of democratic inclusion. The argument developed is thatirregular immigrants are in fact members of the democratic state by virtue of beingsubjected to the legally binding norms in the territory of the state. The extension of thevote and other political rights to irregular immigrants nevertheless remains problematicdue to their ‘illegal’ status. Because this status follows from the restrictive borderpolicies implemented by most contemporary states, it shows that the ideal ofdemocratic inclusion is scarcely reconcilable with a policy of restrictive cross-bordermovement. The conclusion defended in the paper is that the interest in keeping bordersrestricted reduces the prospects for democratic inclusion in contemporary states.

  • 162.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Is Residence Special? Democracy in the Age of Migration and Human Mobility2012Inngår i: Territories of Citizenship / [ed] Ludvig Beckman, Eva Erman, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, s. 18-39Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Each year millions of people enter a foreign country as a temporary worker, asylum seeker, international student or unauthorised migrant in search for safety or new opportunities. As the number of people ‘on the move’ is growing, we need to reconsider prevailing assumptions about the democratic people as a collective at once subject to rule and entitled to participate in ruling.1 While the number of people subject to the laws of foreign nations grows larger, the number of people relegated to the status of mere subjects expands. These subjects are forced to pay taxes, forced to comply with a variety of laws and regulations, and are fined or imprisoned whenever they fail to abide to existing legal rules. If democracy entails that the people subject to rule should also have the right to participate in ruling, it is time to ask whether democracies as they are and democracy as it should be hold pace with current trends of transnational mobility?

  • 163.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Is there a Moral Right to Vote?2017Inngår i: Ethical Theory and Moral Practice, ISSN 1386-2820, E-ISSN 1572-8447, Vol. 20, nr 4, s. 885-897Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The question raised in this paper is whether legal rights to vote are also moral rights to vote. The challenge to the justification of a moral right to vote is that it is not clear that the vote is instrumental to the preservation of some critical interest of the voter. Because a single vote has ‘no impact’ on electoral outcomes, the right to vote is unlikely to serve the interests of the individual. The account developed in this paper holds that moral voting rights can be justified once we acknowledge that voting by a sub-set of citizens is among the necessary preconditions for democratic institutions making a significant difference to their collective interests. The justification of a moral right to vote does not, then, apply to each individual citizen but only to a sub-set of them. In order to justify inclusive moral voting rights, the further consideration must be added that individuals have critical interests in public recognition of equal status. An inclusive moral right to vote accordingly depends on both collective interest in the outcomes of democratic institutions and on individual interest in equal recognition.

  • 164.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Jämlikhet2009Inngår i: Politisk teori, Stockholm: Liber , 2009, s. 37-53Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 165.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Legal Power and the Right to Vote: Does the Right to Vote Confer Power?2017Inngår i: Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence, ISSN 0841-8209, E-ISSN 2056-4260, Vol. 30, nr 1, s. 5-22Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    It is widely believed that voting rights confer power to individual voters as well as to the collective body of the electorate. This paper evaluates this notion on the basis of two conceptions of political power: the causal view, according to which power equals the ability to exert causal effect, and the legal view, according to which power equals the legal ability to produce legal effect. The proposition defended is that causal conceptions of power are unable to account for the view that voting rights confer power to either individuals or collectives. In particular, the theory according to which the powers conferred by the vote equal the probability of being decisive or “pivotal” in elections does not justify the ascription of power to voters. It does not because the probability of being influential is not a valid interpretation of power as the capacity to mobilize sufficient causal effect to determine an outcome. In addition, causal conceptions of power are unable to recognize the people as the unique owner of political power. The powers exercised by the members of the electorate appear to be just one among several causes that contribute to determine electoral outcomes. In the end, the legal analysis of power proves superior. Power in a democracy is placed with the people as a legal category vested with the legal capacity to revise the legal relationship between individuals and the state.

  • 166.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Must democratic rights serve the rights-bearer? The right to vote of people with severe cognitive impairments2014Inngår i: The Aporia of Rights: explorations in citizenship in the era of human rights / [ed] Anna Yeatman and Peg Birmingham, London: Continuum, 2014, s. 93-114Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 167.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Personhood and legal status: Reflections on the democratic rights of corporations2018Inngår i: Netherlands Journal of Legal Philosophy, ISSN 2213-0713, Vol. 47, nr 1, s. 13-28Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 168.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Political Representation of Future Generations and Collective Responsibility2015Inngår i: Jurisprudence, ISSN 2040-3313, E-ISSN 2040-3321, Vol. 6, nr 3, s. 516-534Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The political representation of future generations would change the relationship between public decisions and the members of democratic political systems. In this paper we examine the implication of these changes on the responsibility of the living members for the future effects of current polices with special reference to climate change. The claim defended is that the collective responsibility of the living members for future outcomes diminishes when public decisions are made less responsive to them. In order to explain why this is the case a ‘participatory account' of collective responsibility is developed according to which collective responsibility is premised on the extent to which public decisions depend on their members. The paper concludes with a discussion on the grounds for valuing collective outcome responsibility and why the conflict between this norm and the claim that future generations should be granted political representation poses fundamental questions about the value of democracy.

  • 169.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Popular sovereignty facing the deep state. The rule of recognition and the powers of the people2019Inngår i: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper investigates the relationship between the idea of popular sovereignty and the conditions for legal validity and argue that the latter imposes definitive limits to the former. Popular sovereignty has been defined as the condition when the will of the people is the "supreme authority in the state". Following this conception, there is no authority above the people and this is traditionally understood to mean that the authority of the people is above the constitution. Legal validity, though admittedly still debated, is here understood along Hart's "rule of recognition" According to which the validity of norms ultimately depends on the social practices of public officials. Though presumably uncontroversial that democratic peoples are entitled to remake the constitution, the powers of the people with respect to the substance of the law are nevertheless limited with respect to decisions of legal validity. The most basic rules in a legal system are not found in the constitution as they are the rules deciding what is to count as a legal norm within that system. They are more fundamental than the constitution because they also define what norms is the constitution legally speaking.

  • 170.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Power and future people’s freedom: intergenerational domination, climate change, and constitutionalism2016Inngår i: Journal of Political Power, ISSN 2158-379X, E-ISSN 2158-3803, Vol. 9, nr 2, s. 289-307Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Intergenerational domination is the idea that future people’s freedom is violated insofar as they are vulnerable to the capacity of the people living before them to interfere. This paper explores the extent to which intergenerational domination applies to two familiar phenomena: climate change and constitutionalism. The first part of the paper argues that the emission of greenhouse gases does not amount to intergenerational domination. Being hurt by climate change does not equal subjection to the capacity of previous generations to interfere. The second part argues that intergenerational domination is under certain conditions applicable to the relationship exemplified by political constitutionalism. Hence, this study shows that constitutional provisions introduced in order to protect future generations from climate change is more likely to contribute to rather than to protect them from intergenerational domination.

  • 171.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Rösträttsåldern och demokratinsavgränsningsproblem2018Inngår i: Demokratins framtid / [ed] Katarina Barrling; Sören Holmberg, stockholm: Sveriges Riksdag , 2018, s. 81-110Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 172.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Självcensur, yttrandejämlikhet och yttrandefrihet2016Rapport (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 173.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Skyddet för den genetiska integriteten2004Inngår i: Genetikens möjligheter och problem / [ed] Tommy Möller, Stockholm: Pensionsforum , 2004Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 174.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Uppsala universitet.
    Staten måste agera på etikens slagfält2002Inngår i: Från stoicism till konsumkapitalism: teman ur tidskriften Axess år 2002, Stockholm: Axel och Margaret Ax:son Johnsons stift. för allmännyttiga ändamål i samarbete med Bonnier fakta , 2002, s. 159-171Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 175.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Accuracy of Electoral Regulations: The Case of theRight to Vote by People with Cognitive Impairments2014Inngår i: Social Policy and Society, ISSN 1474-7464, E-ISSN 1475-3073, Vol. 13, nr 2, s. 221-233Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    People with cognitive impairments are regularly denied access to the vote in democraticnations. At the same time, the accuracy of legal regulations is uncertain due to thevariety of legal classifications and the vague administrative procedures envisaged for theirimplementation. This article offers an extensive analysis of the accuracy of legal restrictionson the vote for people with cognitive impairments in all electoral democracies. The articleargues that the prospect of ever regulating the vote accurately, in the sense of avoidingboth misclassifications and arbitrary administration of restrictions, is difficult to envisage.In the face of the regulatory problems associated with the attempt to restrict the votefor people with cognitive impairment, it is concluded that enfranchisement of all adultcitizens would constitute an improvement.

  • 176.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Frontiers of Democracy: The Right to Vote and its Limits2009Bok (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 177.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Right to Democracy and the Human Right to Vote: The Instrumental Argument Rejected2014Inngår i: Journal of Human Rights, ISSN 1475-4835, E-ISSN 1475-4843, Vol. 13, nr 4, s. 381-394Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The human right to democracy is often justified instrumentally: Democratic rights are human rights because they contribute to the preservation of basic human rights. In this article, this approach is put to test with regard to the right to vote, which is fundamental to democracy and is recognized by human rights law. The question is whether there is evidence to conclude that the right to vote serves the required instrumental purposes? The answer will depend on how the human right to vote is understood, which in turn depends on how it is interpreted by the relevant human rights bodies. The answer also depends on the empirical evidence available. This article shows that the human right to vote is not vindicated by instrumental considerations and explains why this follows from both empirical and conceptual reasons. The conclusion is that instrumental considerations are unable to fully account for the norms currently recognized by human rights law.

  • 178.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Subjects of Collectively Binding Decisions: Democratic Inclusion and Extraterritorial Law2014Inngår i: Ratio Juris, ISSN 0952-1917, E-ISSN 1467-9337, Vol. 27, nr 2, s. 252-270Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Citizenship and residency are basic conditions for political inclusion in a democracy. However, if democracy is premised on the inclusion of everyone subject to collectively binding decisions, the relevance of either citizenship or residency for recognition as a member of the polity is uncertain. The aim of this paper is to specify the conditions for being subject to collective decisions in the sense relevant to democratic theory. Three conceptions of what it means to be subject to collectively binding decisions are identified and examined, referring to those subject to legal duties and legal powers or to those subject to legal duties and state institutions. The contrast between them is most clearly illustrated in relation to non-residents, those not present in the territory of the state. The extraterritorial dimension of the law thus highlights a fundamental ambiguity in the theory of democracy concerning the extension of political rights.

  • 179.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Virtue, sustainability and liberal values2001Inngår i: Sustaining liberal democracy: ecological challenges and opportunities / [ed] John Barry, Marcel Wissenburg, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001, s. 179-191Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 180.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Erman, EvaUppsala University, Sweden.
    Territories of Citizenship2012Collection/Antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Territories of Citizenship explores citizenship transitions in light of increasedglobal interconnectedness, ethnic diversity, and migration. The focus of the book is two prone.The first part evaluates the ramifications of conventional citizenship within thetraditional physical and legal boundaries of the nation-state for the democracy of itsinhabitants. An important concern in the first part of the book is the effect on migration flowsand citizen mobility on citizenship. How should democracies view citizenship rights now thatsocieties increasingly include resident citizens, resident non-citizens, and naturalized citizens?And why is residence special for belonging to the political community? Chapters for this partof the book compare the duties of residents and citizens, ask why it matters for democraticdecision-making if its inhabitants have different forms of belonging to the politicalcommunity, and consider naturalization legislation from a normative democratic perspective.The chapters thus illustrate several democratic problems associated with traditional territorialcitizenship. Part two focuses on the potentials for new citizenship space and place beyond theterritorial confine of the nation-state. Its chapters concern the role of international institutionsand multilevel governance as guarantors of citizenship and both ask and answer questionsabout the prospect of empowering individuals and creating transnational public sphere andglobal solidarity in global governance. 

  • 181.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Erman, Eva
    Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Territories of Citizenship: Introduction2012Inngår i: Territories of Citizenship / [ed] Beckman, L.; Erman, E., Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, s. IX-XVIIIKapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 182.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hultin Rosenberg, Jonas
    Freedom as Non-domination and Democratic Inclusion2018Inngår i: Res Publica, ISSN 1356-4765, E-ISSN 1572-8692, Vol. 24, nr 2, s. 181-198Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    According to neo-republicans, democracy is morally justified because it is among the prerequisites for freedom as non-domination. The claim that democracy secures freedom as non-domination needs to explain why democratic procedures contribute to non-domination and for whom democracy secures non-domination. This requires an account of why domination is countered by democratic procedures and an account of to whom domination is countered by access to democratic procedures. Neo-republican theory of democracy is based on a detailed discussion of the former but a scant discussion of the latter. We address this lacuna by interpreting the two most influential principles of inclusion, the all-subjected principle and the all-affected principle, in light of neo-republican commitments. The preliminary conclusion is that both principles are able to capture relations of domination between the democratic state and the people controlled by it in the relevant sense. Yet, the state has virtually unlimited powers to control residents, but only limited powers to interfere in the lives of non-residents. Republican aspirations are therefore more in tune with the all-subjected principle according to which only residents in the territory of the state should be granted rights to political participation.

  • 183.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mörkenstam, UlfStockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Politisk teori2016Collection/Antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 184.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Reinikainen, Jouni
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Popular Sovereignty, Globalization and Political Rights2016Inngår i: Portuguese Journal of Political Science, ISSN 1647-4090, nr 6, s. 155-178Artikkel i tidsskrift (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 185.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Uddhammar, Emil
    Virtues of independence and dependence on virtues.2003Collection/Antologi (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 186.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Uggla, Fredrik
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    An Ombudsman for Future Generations: Legitimate and Effective?2016Inngår i: Institutions For Future Generations / [ed] Iñigo González-Ricoy, Axel Gosseries, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016, s. 117-134Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 187.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan: Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context2009Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is often portrayed as a very secular country. Thus the mobilization of mosque communities in the late 1990s and their conflictual relationship with the authorities came as a surprise. The main aim of the dissertation is to shed light on this mobilization, focusing on the Sunni Abu Bakr and the Shi’ite Juma mosque communities in Baku. On the premise that Islamic mobilization may be interpreted as a “social movement”, internal, contextual and interactional aspects of mobilization have been studied. The analysis is chiefly based on interviews conducted in Baku in 2004/2005 with Imams, worshippers, religious and secular authorities. The study finds that young people looking for new approaches to religion have been drawn to these communities, where they encounter an independent, educated, conscientious clergy and, indeed, a “new” religion. This “sovereign” Islam does not go down well with authorities who fear politicization of religion. The Soviet heritage has provided them with a view of religion as something that should not be publicly displayed and with the institutions to control religion. Another key feature whose impact on state policy towards religious organizations cannot be underestimated is the fear of imported radicalism. A look at Islamic mobilization in North Caucasus, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reveals many similarities, yet one momentous difference is the harsher repression in these contexts, which decreases the chances of a non-radical mobilization. The thesis concludes that the role of the state in mobilization processes in non-democratic contexts is crucial but counterintuitive, as the regimes’ efforts to stop the mobilization of movements actually leads to its intensification. In Azerbaijan, official pressure brings community members closer together and strengthens their resolve, rather than putting an end to mobilization. It also puts a spotlight on these communities which lights up the way for others in search of something new.

  • 188.
    Begler, Hanna
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Exchanging Weapons for Citizenship: Colombia's Process of Reintegrating Former Combatants into Civil Society2012Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 poäng / 30 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This study analyzes Colombia's current process of reintegrating former combatants into civil society. By employing four different citizenship perspectives constructed as ideal types it is shown how issues such as participation, political influence and the relation between rights and obligations are being addressed in the Colombian reintegration program. By relating these findings to current debates on the relation between security and development in DDR research, the study aims to reconcile the hitherto rather separated but yet intimately related discourses of DDR and citizenship. The analysis of the Colombian program gives a multifaceted picture of the country’s reintegration process where several citizenship perspectives are discerned in various and sometimes overlapping ways. Beyond contributing to an enhanced understanding of the Colombian process, the study illustrates the numerous ways in which diverging citizenship perspectives may be incorporated into a wider framework of peace and state-building and the potential tensions that are discerned in different approaches to DDR.

  • 189.
    Behnke, Andreas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Re-presenting the West: NATO’s Security Discourse after the End of the Cold War2007Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is a critical investigation into the discursive processes through which the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has re-produced a geopolitical order, or nomos, after the end of the Cold War and the demise of its constitutive enemy, the Soviet Union. The thesis examines both the ontological as well as the epistemological aspects of these processes. It seeks to understand what new security relevant identities and spaces are defined in NATO’s discourse, as well as from what epistemic vantage point this new security political order is mapped and inscribed. More specifically, this thesis is based on the assumption that the continued existence and political relevance of the Alliance rests on its ability to re-produce ‘the West’ as a geo-cultural space that serves as its security referent object.

    The thesis concludes with a critical evaluation of NATO’s post-Cold War geopolitical order and the meta-theoretical commitments underlying its conception of security.

  • 190. Bell, Curtis
    et al.
    Keys, Patrick W.
    Stockholms universitet, Naturvetenskapliga fakulteten, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    Conditional Relationships Between Drought and Civil Conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa2018Inngår i: Foreign Policy Analysis, ISSN 1743-8586, E-ISSN 1743-8594, Vol. 14, nr 1, s. 1-23Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Much of the literature on climate change adaptation claims the destabilizing consequences of environmental crises are mitigated by sociopolitical conditions that influence a state's susceptibility to scarcity-induced violence. However, few cross-national studies provide evidence of conditional scarcity-conflict relationships. This analysis of drought severity and civil conflict onset in sub-Saharan Africa (1962-2006) uncovers three sociopolitical conditions that influence the link between environmental scarcity and civil conflict: social vulnerability, state capacity, and unequal distribution of resources. Surprisingly, we find drought does not exacerbate the high risk of conflict in the vulnerable, incapable, and unequal states thought to be especially susceptible to increased scarcity. Instead, drought negates the peace-favoring attributes of stable states with less vulnerable populations. During severe drought, states with sociopolitical conditions that would otherwise favor peace are no less likely to suffer conflict than states with sociopolitical conditions that would otherwise increase the risk of violence. These findings, which are robust across several measures of these sociopolitical concepts, suggest environmental scarcity is most likely to increase the risk of conflict where populations have more to lose relative to periods with more favorable weather.

  • 191.
    Bengtsson, Carl
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Turkiskt trauma: En studie av Turkiets förändrade utrikespolitik2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 192. Bengtsson, Mattias
    et al.
    Gustavsson, Martin
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Stockholms centrum för forskning om offentlig sektor (SCORE).
    Hörnqvist, Magnus
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Kriminologiska institutionen.
    Att tänka klass på nytt med hjälp av klassiker2012Inngår i: Fronesis, ISSN 1404-2614, nr 40-41, s. 22-32Artikkel i tidsskrift (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 193. Bengtsson, Mattias
    et al.
    Jacobsson, Kerstin
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Stockholms centrum för forskning om offentlig sektor (SCORE).
    Europas låga arbetskraftsinvesteringar: ett högt pris att betala?2013Inngår i: Ett konkurrenskraftigt EU till rätt pris / [ed] Antonina Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Lars Oxelheim, Thomas Persson, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2013, s. 115-144Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 194. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Lang, Sabine
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    European Issue Publics Online: The Cases of Climate Change and Fair Trade2014Inngår i: European Public Spheres: Politics Is Back / [ed] Thomas Risse, Cambridge University Press, 2014, s. 108-137Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 195. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Communication in Movements2015Inngår i: Oxford Handbook of Social Movements / [ed] Donatella della Porta, Mario Diani, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015, s. 367-382Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 196. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Digital Media and the Personalization of Collective Action: Social Technology and the Organization of Protests against the Global Economic Crisis2012Inngår i: Social Media and Democracy: Innovations in Participatory Politics / [ed] Brian D. Loader, Dan Mercea, New York: Routledge, 2012Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 197. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Digital Media and the Personalization of Collective Action: Social technology and the organization of protests against the global economic crisis2011Inngår i: Information, Communication and Society, ISSN 1369-118X, E-ISSN 1468-4462, Vol. 14, nr 6, s. 770-799Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Changes related to globalization have resulted in the growing separation of individuals in late modern societies from traditional bases of social solidarity such as parties, churches, and other mass organizations. One sign of this growing individualization is the organization of individual action in terms of meanings assigned to lifestyle elements resulting in the personalization of issues such as climate change, labour standards, and the quality of food supplies. Such developments bring individuals' own narratives to the fore in the mobilization process, often requiring organizations to be more flexible in their definitions of issues. This personalization of political action presents organizations with a set of fundamental challenges involving potential trade-offs between flexibility and effectiveness. This paper analyses how different protest networks used digital media to engage individuals in mobilizations targeting the 2009 G20 London Summit during the global financial crisis. The authors examine how these different communication processes affected the political capacity of the respective organizations and networked coalitions. In particular, the authors explore whether the coalition offering looser affiliation options for individuals displays any notable loss of public engagement, policy focus (including mass media impact), or solidarity network coherence. This paper also examines whether the coalition offering more rigid collective action framing and fewer personalized social media affordances displays any evident gain in the same dimensions of mobilization capacity. In this case, the evidence suggests that the more personalized collective action process maintains high levels of engagement, agenda focus, and network strength.

  • 198.
    Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    University of Washington, USA.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Logic of Connective Action: Digital Media and the Personalization of Contentious Politics2013Bok (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 199. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The logic of connective action: Digital media and the personalization of contentious politics2012Inngår i: Information, Communication and Society, ISSN 1369-118X, E-ISSN 1468-4462, Vol. 15, nr 5, s. 739-768Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    From the Arab Spring and los indignados in Spain, to Occupy Wall Street (and beyond), large-scale, sustained protests are using digital media in ways that go beyond sending and receiving messages. Some of these action formations contain relatively small roles for formal brick and mortar organizations. Others involve well-established advocacy organizations, in hybrid relations with other organizations, using technologies that enable personalized public engagement. Both stand in contrast to the more familiar organizationally managed and brokered action conventionally associated with social movement and issue advocacy. This article examines the organizational dynamics that emerge when communication becomes a prominent part of organizational structure. It argues that understanding such variations in large-scale action networks requires distinguishing between at least two logics that may be in play: The familiar logic of collective action associated with high levels of organizational resources and the formation of collective identities, and the less familiar logic of connective action based on personalized content sharing across media networks. In the former, introducing digital media do not change the core dynamics of the action. In the case of the latter, they do. Building on these distinctions, the article presents three ideal types of large-scale action networks that are becoming prominent in the contentious politics of the contemporary era.

  • 200. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Three Patterns of Power in Technology-Enabled Contention2014Inngår i: Mobilization, ISSN 1086-671X, E-ISSN 1938-1514, Vol. 19, nr 4, s. 421-439Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Technology-enabled networks of contention differ from physically co-present networks in that communication more saliently structures relations among actors. Technology platforms may even take on some roles of organizations in providing information, distributing resources, and coordinating action. Although many observers claim that online networks tend to concentrate public displays of attention and recognition in power-law hierarchies, we propose that technology-enabled contentious networks may seek or avoid concentrated hierarchies as reflections of the participants' underlying values and technology preferences. The article identifies three ideal type power signatures in technology-enabled networks-highly concentrated, moderately concentrated, and dispersed. Different power signatures can result in similar political outcomes, suggesting that none of them represents a generally more effective way to organize power in networks. However, in particular situations, different power configurations can affect how action is framed, how individuals become engaged, and the degree of fit between mobilizations and political contexts.

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