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  • 1751.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den kommunistiska framtiden1974Book (Other academic)
  • 1752.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Stockholm Centre for Organizational Research (SCORE).
    Förvaltningen i grundlagen2014In: Demokrati och förvaltning: en festskrift till Rune Premfors / [ed] Bengt Jacobsson & Göran Sundström, Stockholm: Stockholm School of Economics Institute for Research , 2014, p. 95-104Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1753.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    "Impulser hit, impulser dit": Några anteckningar från gränslandet mellan statskunskap mellan och politik2010In: Kontraster och nyanser: Svensk statsvetenskap i brytningstid / [ed] Magnus Jerneck & Björn Badersten, Lund: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift , 2010, Vol. 5, no 112, p. 578-590Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1754.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Petita: hur svenska myndigheter argumenterar för högre anslag1975Book (Other academic)
  • 1755.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Riksdagen och regeringen: Den svenska modellen2008In: Mellan folkhem och Europa / [ed] LI Bennich-Björkman & Paula Blomqvist, Malmö: Liber , 2008, 1Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1756.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sovjetunionens politiska problem 1950, 1960, 19701978Book (Other academic)
  • 1757.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Soviet political agenda: problems and priorities, 1950-19701979Book (Other academic)
  • 1758.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hägg, IngemundUppsala universitet.
    I välståndets rävsax: konsumenter, producenter och den offentliga tillväxten.1988Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 1759.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lemne, MarjaStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Vad staten vill: mål och ambitioner i svensk politik2013Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 1760.
    Tarschys, Daniel
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Tham, Carl
    Den nygamla vänstern1969 (ed. 2. uppl.)Book (Other academic)
  • 1761.
    Tawaifi, Simon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    From Amity to Enmity: The sudden deterioration in Turkish-Syrian relations2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 1762.
    Tawaifi, Simon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Perfect Storm: How Offensive Opportunity and Ideational Distance led to third-party interventions in Syria, Yemen and Bahrain.2017Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 1763.
    Thedvall, Renita
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Anthropology. Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Stockholm Centre for Organizational Research (SCORE).
    Casula Vifell, Åsa
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Organizing for social sustainability: Governance through bureaucratization in meta-organizations2012In: Sustainability: Science, Practice, & Policy, ISSN 1548-7733, Vol. 8, no 1Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 1764. Thomas, Peter
    et al.
    Sznitman Rödner, Sharon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Social Research on Alcohol and Drugs (SoRAD).
    Overview of Volume 22008In: A Cannabis Reader: Global Issues and Local Experiences: Volume II, EMCDDA, Lisbon , 2008, p. xix-xxiiiChapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1765.
    Thomson, Elizabeth
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology. University of Wisconsin Madison, USA.
    Family Complexity in Europe2014In: The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, ISSN 0002-7162, E-ISSN 1552-3349, Vol. 654, no 1Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 1766.
    Thyresson Stenqvist, Henrietta
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Medborgare föds inte, de skapas: En diskursteoretisk studie om medborgarskapsideal och miljöidentiteter inom den svenska gymnasieskolan2017Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Uppsatsen studerar medborgarskapets konstruktion utifrån ett miljöperspektiv eftersom miljöaspekten hitintills varit en negligerad aspekt i forskning om medborgarskapet. I ljuset av att det redan går att bevittna effekter av de globala klimatförändringarna menar jag att kunskapsluckan bör adresseras eftersom medborgarskapet är intimt sammankopplat med rådande samhällsvision. Genom att dekonstruera medborgarskapets utformning blir det således möjligt att syna vilken miljöpolitisk samhällsvision som legitimeras.Gymnasieskolan utgör studieobjekt eftersom skolväsendet är en central plats för samhällelig medborgarfostran, samt eftersom det ofta framhålls som viktigt att ge dagens unga ”rätt” miljömässiga värderingar för att skapa hållbarhet. Studiens syfte är därför att analysera hur en miljöaspekt artikuleras i den/de diskurs(er) om medborgarskapsideal som förekommer i den svenska gymnasieskolan, samt att undersöka vilka miljöidentiteter som möjliggörs för framtida medborgare i dessa diskursiva formationer. Detta vittar i sin tur om vilken miljöpolitisk samhällsvision som implicit legitimeras inom gymnasieskolan. Studien är dels ett statsvetenskapligt bidrag till den skolpolitiska medborgarskapsforskningen och dels till den normativa akademiska diskussionen om medborgarskapets relation till en miljöaspekt. Med hjälp av en diskursteoretisk ansats analyseras styrdokument och offentliga dokument om gymnasieskolan mellan åren 2008–2016.Analysen visar att gymnasieskolan har två medborgarskapsdiskurser; en om behovet av ett hållbart, tryggt och demokratiskt samhälle via aktivt samhällsdeltagande och en om vikten av ekonomisk tillväxt via anställningsbarhet och en fungerande arbetsmarknad. Diskursen om anställningsbarhet är dominerande, varför miljömässig hållbarhet främst förstås i naturvetenskaplig termer och som en fråga för arbetsmarknaden. Därmed har gymnasieskolans miljöpolitiska vision en nyliberal prägel.

  • 1767.
    Tinnerholm Ljungberg, Helena
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Omöjliga familjen: Ideologi och fantasi i svensk reproduktionspolitik2015Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The relationship between the state and the people is a central theme in political theory. Discussions in this field have often centered on how a people can come to constitute a state. Less attention, however, has been directed toward the state’s role in constituting and recreating its people. This book examines the Swedish state’s role in forming the people by regulating the use of reproductive techniques: insemination, in vitro fertilization (IVF), and donations of sperm and eggs.

    The study focuses on how the issue of assisted reproduction was handled and problematized in Swedish policymaking between 1981 and 2005. What problem representations dominated the political debates and decision-making processes surrounding assisted reproduction? How was conflict expressed within the field of reproductive politics (i.e., what aspects caused conflict or political disagreement)? How did collective fantasies play into the political treatment of reproductive technologies? Using historical government and Riksdag material, four major policy debates have been analyzed, from the first legal regulation of assisted reproduction in Sweden in the 1980s up until the inclusion of lesbian couples as beneficiaries of gamete donation.

    Theoretically, the study is inspired by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s political discourse theory, Lacanian psychoanalysis, and the “logics approach” developed by Jason Glynos and David Howarth. This combination of perspectives allows for a dual focus on both the form of political articulations and their affective force. Thus, the analysis tries to capture what was taken for granted within the discourse on reproduction (social logics), what arose as points of political conflict or contention (political logics), as well as the affective underpinnings of these social constructions and struggles (fantasmatic logics).

    The main result of the study is that even though the period saw a quite revolutionary development of new reproductive technologies, the reproduction policies under study took on much more moderate and hesitant character. Throughout the analyzed period there was a more or less consensual view that new reproductive technologies should only be allowed if they did not go against the “child’s best interest.” At the same time, there was significant political conflict over what constituted this interest. Moreover, the reforms that were made never fully embraced the radical implications of the new technologies. Rather, they clung on to previously established patterns of what a “real” family looked like. Thus, every move to allow a new technology or include another category of people as legitimate users of that technology was contingent upon the articulation of a discursive equivalence with previously naturalized methods of reproduction, ultimately taking the heterosexual, nuclear family as an implicit model. Finally, I argue that the production of “sense” in this terrain of radical undecidability was dependent on the mobilization of a series of collective fantasies about “natural life processes,” “nature’s imperfections,” “a humanist view of mankind,” “the stable, original nuclear family”, and so on. 

  • 1768.
    Tollin, Katharina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sida vid sida: En studie av jämställdhetspolitikens genealogi 1971-20062011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The history of gender equality policies is part of the modern heritage in Sweden. The contemporary narrative contains milestones such as female suffrage, anti-discrimination legislation, equal representation and parental leave. And yet, ambivalences also imbue this modern contemporary saga. While all political parties from left to right claims to be in favor of gender equality, it seems as if the goal is never fully attained.

    This thesis examines the conditions for gender equality policies in the Swedish parliamentary debates during the period from 1971 to 2006. The ambition is to trace the (historical) agreements, conflicts and erasures upon which our contemporary understandings of the gender equality policies are based. What political actions are favored when the contemporary history seems enigmatic and incomprehensible? What forces and power relations are obscured by our current historiography?

    The theoretical framework is informed by genealogy, feminist theory and discourse theory. Rather then representing the struggle for women’s interests the analysis seeks to investigate the historical present and emergence of gender in this specific political context. The main contribution is a reworked understanding of contemporary history with an emphasis on how neoliberalism and class politics constitute the political space for gender equality. One overall conclusion of the analysis is that a confined narrative on feminist waves as showdowns between male resistance and women’s struggle or party political competitions tends to obscure the fact that the political process in relation to gender equality policy has evolved closely with neoliberalism.

  • 1769.
    Tornhill, Sofie
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies.
    A bulletin board of dreams: corporate empowerment promotion and feminist implications2016In: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 18, no 4, p. 528-543Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the premises of corporate solutions to gender inequality in the Global South. In feminist debates, businesses' increasing emphasis on women's empowerment has been discussed both in terms of increasing feminist impact and the co-optation of feminist demands. To explore the ideological effects of corporate gender practices, focus is placed on the Coca-Cola Company's global 5by20 campaign, which has the stated aim to empower five million women as small-scale entrepreneurs around the world and, in a win-win fashion, to double sales by 2020. Based on interviews and participatory observations in Mexico, this article traces a particular narrative of empowerment, envisioned as a transition from dependency to self-sufficiency and threatened by psychological and cultural restraints rather than material conditions. It shows that self-help and positive thinking are essential affective drives, thus reinforcing market-based, individualized development strategies. In response to feminist debates, the article concludes that corporate gender practices can be seen as part of a neoliberal transposition of equality concerns from a political to an economic domain. In effect, when initiatives such as 5by20 promote the accumulation of human capital to enhance gender equality, they simultaneously work to legitimize the inequalities that are necessarily entailed in competitive capitalism.

  • 1770.
    Tornhill, Sofie
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Capital Visions: The Politics of Transnational Production in Nicaragua2010Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In processes of economic integration, neoliberal discourse and corresponding notions of development comprise some of the most readily available imaginaries of political and social interaction and change. However, these processes are always also locally produced and negotiated. Engaging with discourse theory, Marxism and postcolonial feminist theory, this dissertation brings together “macro” and “micro” aspects of globalization. The aim is to interrogate discursive reinforcements of and challenges to global orders of production and divisions of labor. With a focus on representations of Free Trade Zones (FTZs), which are tax-exempted enclaves for export production, the study explores competing meanings attributed to the operation of transnational capital in Nicaragua. Based on policy documents, political speeches, promotional videotapes and interviews, the political rhetoric of two governments with competing agendas is analyzed: the neoliberal/conservative government of the Liberal Constitutionalist Party (2002–2007), which framed the FTZs in terms of national progress, and the leftist government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (2007– ), which attempts to reconnect to the country’s revolutionary past. In this way efforts to formulate legitimate political agendas in the context of shifting relations between states and markets are detailed, together with constructions of citizens and workers along differentiations of class and gender. Relying on interviews with FTZ workers, the study examines ways to interpret, inhabit or resist imperative subject positions at the intersections of contending projects of nation-building and transnational orders of production, in conjunction with a discussion of the uneasy distinction between representation and appropriation that troubles transnational feminist research projects.

  • 1771.
    Tornhill, Sofie
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies.
    Brännström, Leila
    Wendy Brown och den radikala politikens subjekt2015In: Samtida politisk teori / [ed] Stefan Jonsson, Stockholm: Tankekraft , 2015Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1772. Trondal, Jarle
    et al.
    Marcussen, Martin
    Larsson, Torbjorn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Veggeland, Frode
    European administrative centre formation. Lessons from international bureaucracies2012In: Comparative European Politics, ISSN 1472-4790, E-ISSN 1740-388X, Vol. 10, no 1, p. 86-110Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The strengthening of administrative powers is comprehensively documented within national governments. This article asks to what extent centre formation also happens within international bureaucracies. Based on a large body of data (N = 121) within three international bureaucracies, this study adds two new observations: First, administrative centre formation is primarily observed inside the European Commission and only marginally within other international bureaucracies - such as the OECD and WTO Secretariats. Moreover, within the Commission, centre formation is primarily observed at the administrative centre (the General Secretariat) and only marginally within bureaucratic sub-units. Concomitantly, administrative centre formation, when observed, does not seem to profoundly penetrate and transform international bureaucracies writ large. Second, variation in centre formation both across and within international bureaucracies is associated with two often neglected variables in comparative government literature: (i) first, the accumulation of relevant organisational capacities at the executive centre, and second, the vertical and horizontal specialisation of international bureaucracies.

  • 1773.
    Trydegård, Gun-Britt
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Work.
    Arbetsvillkoren i äldreomsorgen måste förbättras2008In: Socionomen, ISSN 0283-1929, no 3, p. 11-17Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Artikeln redovisar resultat från en postenkätstudie till all personal i äldreomsorgen i åtta svenska kommuner, här med särskilt fokus på arbetssituationen för omsorgstjänstemännen, dvs biståndshandläggare, enhetschefer, sjuksköterskor och centralt placerade tjänstemän. Studien visar att omsorgstjänstemännen anser sig ha ett mycket stimulerande och engagerande arbete, som uppskattas av de äldre och deras anhöriga, men att deras arbetssituation ofta är svår och problematisk. Många av dem arbetar hårt i en organisation där de inte delar värderingarna, där de inte kan påverka sin arbetssituation och där de inte känner sitt arbete uppskattat av arbetsledning och politiker. Känslan av otillräcklighet inför de äldres behov av hjälp liksom kroppslig och psykisk trötthet visade ett starkt hierarkiskt mönster. Ju närmare de äldre man befann sig i organisationen, desto tyngre upplevde man arbetssituationen.

  • 1774. Târlea, Silvana
    et al.
    Bailer, Stefanie
    Degner, Hanno
    Dellmuth, Lisa M.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History and International Relations.
    Leuffen, Dirk
    Lundgren, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Wasserfallen, Fabio
    Explaining governmental preferences on Economic and Monetary Union Reform2019In: European Union Politics, ISSN 1465-1165, E-ISSN 1741-2757, Vol. 20, no 1, p. 24-44Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the extent to which economic or political factors shaped government preferences in the reform of the Economic Monetary Union. A multilevel analysis of European Union member governments’ preferences on 40 EMU reform issues negotiated between 2010 and 2015 suggests that countries’ financial sector exposure has significant explanatory power. Seeking to minimize the risk of costly bailouts, countries with highly exposed financial sectors were more likely to support solutions involving high degrees of European integration. In contrast, political factors had no systematic impact. These findings help to enhance our understanding of preference formation in the European Union and the viability of future EMU reform.

  • 1775. Ugarriza, Juan E.
    et al.
    Nussio, Enzo
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    ¿Son Los Guerrilleros Diferentes de Los Paramilitares? Una Integración Y Validación Sistemática de Estudios Motivacionales En Colombia2015In: Análisis Político, ISSN 0121-4705, Vol. 28, no 85, p. 189-211Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Deep down, is a combatant in a guerrilla group and in a paramilitary group the same kind of person? The evidence suggests that the two have different types of experiences in war and processes of socialization, and one would expect different behavior from the two after demobilization. In this study, we show that the members of guerrilla and paramilitary groups in Colombia are moved by clearly distinguishable motivations in their decisions to join their respective groups, in which contextual conditioning factors are mixed with different logics at the personal level. Our analysis is based on the systematic integration of relevant hypotheses from previous studies and a validation of their findings in a database of 1,485 ex-combatants Colombia.

  • 1776.
    Ugarriza, Juan E.
    et al.
    Universidad del Rosario, Colombia.
    Nussio, Enzo
    ETH Zurich, Switzerland.
    The Effect of Perspective-giving on Postconflict Reconciliation: An Experimental Approach2017In: Political Psychology, ISSN 0162-895X, E-ISSN 1467-9221, Vol. 38, no 1, p. 3-19Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Discussion groups are a promising tool for bridging the divide between former conflict antagonists. However, such groups do not always produce the desired outcome of improved attitudes, even when they meet the conditions generally seen as favoring positive interaction. In this article, we examine specific discussion protocols that mitigate polarization risks while fostering reconciliation. Using a randomized, controlled design, we formed a pool of 429 ex-combatants and members of conflict-affected communities in Colombia. Participants were asked to join heterogeneous groups and discuss their proposals for the future of Colombia. Overall, community members improved their attitudes towards ex-combatants significantly, while ex-combatants’ attitudes toward community members do not tend to polarize. Those participants who were randomly assigned to a perspective-giving treatment protocol (where they were asked to refer to their personal experience and perspective) consistently improved their inter-group attitudes towards ex-combatants, and by a proportionally higher percentage than those taking part under argumentation and no-treatment control conditions. 

  • 1777.
    Ugarriza, Juan E.
    et al.
    Universidad del Rosario, Colombia.
    Nussio, Enzo
    ETH Zürich, Switzerland.
    There is No Pill for Deliberation: Explaining Discourse Quality in Post-Conflict Communities2016In: Swiss Political Science Review, ISSN 1420-3529, Vol. 22, no 1, p. 145-166Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Recent experimental research suggests that ordinary citizens are capable of behaving in a democratic and deliberative way in controversial political debates, when given the right instructions. In this study, we test the potential of such instructions in contexts where levels of polarization, conflict and social marginalization are high. Using a randomized controlled experimental design, we test the effect of encouraging members of marginalized and conflict-affected communities in Colombia to live up to the deliberative ideal, including free participation, mutual respect, justification of arguments, and contributing to the common good. Results indicate that deliberative instructions have a positive effect on intervention levels, but fail to increase discourse quality. We also find that socio-economic differences (especially education and gender), as well as inter-group trust dynamics, explain much of the variation in discourse quality. Promoting deliberative democracy under unfavorable conditions might therefore require a combination of short-term policy measures aimed at increasing communal trust, long-term efforts to improve schooling levels, and ensuring constraint-free participation. There is, however, no one “treatment” yet that can ensure deliberation success.

  • 1778.
    Uggla, Fredrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics.
    Bridging Left and Centre? Electoral Strategies Underlying the "Leftist Turn" in Latin America2013Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The last fifteen years have seen candidates from the political left win the presidency in most Latin American countries. Paradoxically, this has occurred without the electorate making any concurrent move to the left of the ideological spectrum. Survey evidence reveals that both with regard to ideological self-placement and opinion on individual issues, most of the continent’s voters are stubbornly placed in the political centre.

    The present paper advances an explanation for this paradox. Drawing on individual examples, it sketches an explanation based on the campaign tactics of the successful leftist candidates, which seem to have been able to simultaneously attract voters on the left and the centre. The paper discusses ways in which such a broadening of political appeal has been accomplished. Subsequently it presents on-going work on a data-base of political campaigns in Latin America, and discusses some variables that would allow for a test of the above hypothesis.  

  • 1779.
    Uggla, Fredrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics.
    From Runners-Up to Winners: Explaining the Electoral Victories of the Left in Brazil, Uruguay, Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Peru2014Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This essay presents a comparison “repeat candidacies”, i.e., failed presidential contenders who return to win subsequent elections in five Latin American countries. By comparing their failed electoral bids with successful ones, I attempt to gauge the relative influence of factors that are external to the candidates in question and the ones over which they have control, such as policy proposals and alliances.

    The analysis indicates the importance of factors that are political in nature for success. Whereas social and economic variables appear to have scant explanatory value, an aspect such as the composition of the opposition seems much more influential. In particular, moderation in proposals and presentation appears as an important factor distinguishing successful campaigns from failed ones. In order to show the effects of such moderation, I calculate what I call “proportionality scores” that show how broadly a candidate appeals across the political spectrum. The fact that successful candidates have managed to simultaneously appeal to different ideological, ethnic and socio-economic groups gives a somewhat different perspective on Latin America’s supposed “left turn”, and indicates the need to pay more attention to political agency in explanations for political developments on the continent.

     

  • 1780.
    Uhre, Andreas Nordang
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Exploring the diversity of transnational actors in global environmental governance2014In: Interest Groups & Advocacy, ISSN 2047-7414, Vol. 3, no 1, p. 59-78Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The formal access of transnational actors (TNA) to international organizations (IO) has increased steadily over the past five decades, and a growing body of literature is concerned with the theoretical justifications for why this has happened and the normative implications thereof. However, very little is known as of yet about who these TNAs are, where they come from, which issue areas they focus on, and when and where they participate. In other words, we have almost no knowledge of what the patterns of TNA participation in global governance are. Using analytical tools from interest group theory, in particular a small sub-field called population ecology, this article describes and explains the diversity of two populations of TNAs, namely the observer communities of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). 

  • 1781.
    Uhre, Andreas Nordang
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    On Transnational Actor Participation in Global Environmental Governance2013Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The formal access of transnational actors (TNA) to international organizations (IO) has increased steadily over the past five decades, and a growing body of literature is at the moment concerned with the theoretical and normative implications of these developments. However, very little is known as of yet about who the TNAs in global governance are, where they come from, which issue areas they focus on, and when and where they choose to participate. Using analytical tools from interest group theory, in particular a subfield called population ecology, this study describes and explains the chronological development of two populations of TNAs in global governance, namely the observer communities of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity. TNAs’ financial resources and their geographical proximity to global governance venues emerge as important factors influencing their capacity to participate, causing these TNA populations to be stratified and volatile.

  • 1782.
    Ullberg, Susann
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Anthropology.
    The Buenos Aires Blackout: Argentine Crisis Management Across the Public-Private Divide2005Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This case study offers an empirical contribution to the understanding of how accidents in complex technical systems in urban settings can become societal crises with severe economic and political consequences. Infrastructural crises are particularly interesting to analyze in terms of private-public decision-making, since a number of socio-technical sectors have been subject to processes of privatization in large parts of the world during the last few decades. Studies of accidents involving these sectors are therefore likely to reveal how corporations today view questions of social responsibility, how different actors interact and how political decisions are made when urban infrastructure fails.

  • 1783.
    Ullström, Anna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Stockholm Centre for Organizational Research (SCORE).
    Medierna ökar pressen: De politiska staberna om medialiseringen och Regeringskansliets vardag2008In: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, no 4Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

     

    Media and the Swedish Government Office. The Ministerial Staff about the impact of Medialization.

     

     

    This article examines the relationship between media and the partisan ministerial staff of the Government Office. The main objective of the article is to make a contribution to the knowledge about and comprehension of how medialization has affected the work of the partisan ministerial staff. The article is empirically based on four focus groups, with respectively ministers, secretaries of state, political advisors and press secretaries working under the third Persson government (2002-2006). The article demonstrates that media management is an area that The Government Office was not originally adapted for. Therefore media and communication do not enter into the existing routines and formal decision-making processes of the organization. As a result, media challenge both the process behind the government’s collective decision-making and the up-holding of the impression that the government decides collectively. Thus, there is a need for complementary routines for the contacts between the partisan staff and the civil servants.

     

  • 1784.
    Ullström, Anna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Stockholm Centre for Organizational Research (SCORE).
    Om styrning i maktens centrum: De politiska staberna om europeisering och decentralisering i vardagen2009In: Samhällsstyrning i förändring / [ed] Jon Pierre, Göran Sundström, Malmö: Liber , 2009, 1Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1785.
    Ullström, Anna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Stockholm Centre for Organizational Research (SCORE).
    Samarbetskanslierna - Vårtor på, länkar till eller delar av Regeringskansliet?: Om den demokratiska styrningskedjan och samarbetskansliernas organisering2005Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

     

    After years of various forms of cooperation between the government and various opposition parties, the Swedish parliamentary elections in 2002 resulted in a contact between the Social-democratic minority government, the Left Party, Vänsterpartiet, and the Green Party, Miljöpartiet de Gröna. The political issues included were specified in a 121 points programme, and the cooperation parties established two cooperation offices within the Swedish government administration. The cooperation offices consist of eight full time appointments as political advisors each.

     

    There are several reasons to put attention to this developed form of contact parliamentarism. The cooperation offices constitute a new form of coordination between a government and its cooperation parties, which contrasts the norm. In addition, the cooperation offices change the organization of the government administration whereby important aspects of the highly institutionalized culture in the ministries can supposedly have been affected. Thirdly, it is of importance to the representative democracy if parties that are not in a government position, and therefore cannot be held responsible, turns out to have a great deal of influence and many possibilities to affect, or even set, the political agenda.

     

    This paper describes how the cooperation offices are organised, and, secondly, discusses the consequences of the establishment of these offices for the government administration as such, but also for the parliamentary chain of governance as a whole.

     

    The conclusion is that this form of developed contract parliamentarism can break the parliamentary chain in several ways. The contract has resulted in an increase of resources in terms of economy, information and informal contacts for the two cooperation parties. The cooperation offices have also given the Left Party and the Green Party increased knowledge and experience of the government administration. The contract has, in this sense, given the cooperation parties larger influence than perhaps can be justified by their representation in parliament.

     

  • 1786.
    Ullström, Anna
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Styrning bakom kulisserna: Regeringskansliets politiska staber och regeringens styrningskapacitet2011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis analyses one of the less explored areas of Swedish politics: the political appointees in the ministerial staffs of the Swedish core executive. The study draws attention to the everyday life of the ministerial staff in order to give an idea of their function: What do the political appointees do? How is the work of the ministerial staffs organized? How is policy coordinated at the political level? The main empirical focus of this thesis is the 2002-2006 term of office.

    The study contributes to an understanding of the role of political advisers in steering and policy making, and, in the light of this, their potential influence on the policy capacity of the government is considered. Political advisers occupy an ambiguous place within the political system. They play a vital political role, but their presence also challenges the traditional relationship between ministers and public servants. The study shows that political advisers certainly have a leeway to participate in the steering of the ministry's civil servants: they can be said to have a number of steering functions. At the same time, it is made clear that this does not mean that the political advisers are in the position to influence government policy to any great extent. In conclusion, it is suggested that the ministerial staffs do have importance for the government's policy capacity in the sense that they reduce the work load of both the minister and the state secretary and thereby make space for them to govern.

    The research questions are answered by means of empirical material gathered through a combination of methods, providing data with a range as well as depth and context rarely found in studies of core executives: a survey, participatory observations, focus groups and a series of interviews. The dissertation demonstrates that the ethnographic method is a useful tool for anyone who seeks to highlight and explain the relationships within political organizations.

  • 1787.
    Ulmanen, Johanna
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Stockholm Resilience Centre, Stockholm Environment Institute.
    Gerger Swartling, Åsa
    Stockholm University, Stockholm Resilience Centre, Stockholm Environment Institute.
    Wallgren, Oskar
    Stockholm University, Stockholm Resilience Centre, Stockholm Environment Institute.
    Climate Change Adaptation in Swedish Forestry Policy: A Historical Overview, 1990–20102012Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This report explores how climate change adaptation concerns were integrated into the Swedish forestry discourse in the period 1990–2010. The paper applies a governance perspective, using discourse analysis focused on actors’ beliefs and learning to identify the following: how the forestry discourse evolved, the main adaptation advocates and critics, how other dominant discourses, debates and external events influenced the discourse, the effect this had on forestry policy and the lessons that might be learned for future policymaking. The study shows that academics advocating climate change adaptation,

    together with outside influences such as political pressure for adaptation responses and the negativetive effects of storm Gudrun in 2005, contributed to an increased general awareness and understanding of adaptation issues in the forestry sector. Nonetheless, the influence of adaptation advocates was fairly weak, and the influence of advocates for mitigation and forest production dominated the forestry discourse. This fact has hindered the integration of adaptation into forestry policy, although there have been recent advances in integrating and legitimizing adaptation issues in the sector. Two lessons for policymakers willing to further this integration process are the importance of clear leadership and the importance of creating arenas to enable learning about adaptation among stakeholders.

  • 1788. Urban, Frauke
    et al.
    Nordensvärd, Johan
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Low Carbon Energy Transitions in the Nordic Countries: Evidence from the Environmental Kuznets Curve2018In: Energies, ISSN 1996-1073, E-ISSN 1996-1073, Vol. 11, no 9, article id 2209Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Low carbon energy transitions are important to mitigate climate change, reduce air pollution, and reduce fossil fuel resource depletion. The Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden) are seen as leaders in low carbon energy transitions. This paper provides a comparative data analysis of low carbon energy transitions in the Nordic countries from the 1960s to 2015, and assesses evidence of the Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC). The paper finds that the EKC has been observed in Denmark, Iceland, and Sweden in terms of total CO2 emissions, but not in Norway and Finland. For per capita CO2 emissions, there is evidence for the EKC in Denmark, Finland, Iceland, and Sweden, but not for Norway. For energy use per capita, the EKC is only observed for Denmark, while improvements are needed for the other countries. Norway is an outlier, in comparison with the other Nordic countries, hence the country should implement more stringent climate change mitigation policies to reduce its emissions. Overall, the research suggests that the Nordic countries, particularly Denmark, Iceland, and Sweden, can provide valuable lessons for national, regional, and global low carbon energy transitions.

  • 1789.
    Urueña, Nubia
    School of Business Administration, Los Andes University, Colombia.
    Corrupción y etica: Polos opuestos de la misma realidad1997In: La corrupción en Colombia / [ed] Fernando Cepeda Ulloa, Bogotá: FEDESARROLLO: Universidad de los Andes, Facultad de Administración: TM Editores , 1997, p. 211-258Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 1790.
    Urueña, Nubia
    School of Business Administration, Los Andes University, Colombia.
    Corruption in justice and security systems in Colombia2000In: Coexistence and security: challenge to governability / [ed] J. Sapoznikow, J. Salazar, F. Carrillo Flórez, Alcalá de Henares: Universidad de Alcalá , 2000, p. 263-271Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 1791.
    Urueña, Nubia
    School of Business Administration, Los Andes University, Colombia.
    Police corruption in Colombia2003In: Police corruption: paradigms, models, and concepts: challenges for developing countries / [ed] Stanley Einstein, Menachem Amir, Huntsville, TX: Office of International Criminal Justice , 2003, p. 569-587Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 1792.
    Urueña, Nubia
    School of Business Administration, Los Andes University, Colombia.
    Police corruption: modalities, causes and control2001In: Police, society and state: modernization and police reform in South America / [ed] H. Fruhling, A. Candina, Santiago de Chile: Centre for Development Studies , 2001, p. 107-131Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 1793.
    Urueña, Nubia
    et al.
    School of Business Administration, Los Andes University, Colombia.
    Wills, Eduardo
    South America regional report2003In: Global Corruption Report 2003, London: Profile Books , 2003, p. 103-114Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 1794. Vabø, Mia
    et al.
    Szebehely, Marta
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Work.
    A caring state for all older people?2012In: Welfare State, Universalism and Diversity / [ed] Anneli Anttonen, Liisa Häikiö, L & Kolbeinn Stefánsson, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2012, p. 121-143Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 1795.
    Valman, Matilda
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Stockholm University Baltic Sea Centre, Baltic Nest Institute. Stockholm University, Stockholm Resilience Centre. Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Beliefs and behavior in international policy making: longitudinal changes in the governance of the Baltic SeaIn: Environmental Policy and Governance, ISSN 1756-932X, E-ISSN 1756-9338Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 1796.
    Valman, Matilda
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Stockholm University, Stockholm Resilience Centre, Baltic Nest Institute.
    Institutional stability and change in the Baltic Sea: 30 years of issues, crises and solutions2013In: Marine Policy, ISSN 0308-597X, E-ISSN 1872-9460, Vol. 38, p. 54-64Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The shift from a classic sector-by-sector management system to an operational ecosystem approach is perceived as the way forward towards sustainable use of marine systems. The nine states bordering the Baltic Sea as well as the European Community signed the Baltic Sea Action Plan (BSAP) in 2007, intended to provide practical means for implementing the ecosystem approach in the region. However, whether this shift towards a new governance approach also constitutes a case of institutional change remains unclear. This study evaluates institutional change over 30 years in order to understand the process of emergence of the ecosystem approach for this international institution. This study adds to the otherwise largely theoretical debate on institutional change by testing two models of institutional change – gradualist versus punctuated equilibrium – against data from the Helsinki Commission. Relying on a novel methodology involving quantitative text analyses of 574 documents this study suggests that the signing of the BSAP did not cause change in the institution, nor was it the cause of an abrupt institutional change. Overall, findings support a gradualist model of institutional change where the BSAP is layered upon preexisting institutional structures. Results also indicate that institutional change has occurred in some parts of the institution, whereas other parts remain remarkably stable. It proves that in order to intentionally change an institution it is vital that the change processes cohere at all levels of the institution. The study also underlines the mismatch between ecosystems and institutions. Given the relatively slow dynamics identified here, it is unclear whether institutions are able to adapt to rapid and unpredictable ecosystem shifts.

  • 1797.
    Valman, Matilda
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Three faces of HELCOM - institution, organization, policy producer2014Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite early initiatives during the 1960s and 1970s, and continuing efforts ever since, the Baltic Sea remains in poor condition. The Helsinki Commission (HELCOM) is the governing body tasked with protecting the marine environment from further deterioration through intergovernmental collaboration between the Baltic Sea states and the EU. In 2007, HELCOM launched a new tool – the Baltic Sea Action Plan (BSAP), of which the so-called ecosystem approach is a cornerstone. However, how and why the BSAP reform was launched, and also what consequences such management reforms can have for transboundary resource management, is unknown.

    By using institutional theory, organizational theory and the advocacy coalition framework, in combination with content analysis of official documents derived from HELCOM, this thesis argues that the BSAP is the end result of a gradual process of change within institutional structures and actor beliefs. This thesis also shows that HELCOM's capacity to detect, process, and react in response to changes in its regulatory objective has not changed as a consequence of the BSAP. In contrast to earlier research, it seems HELCOM responds better to slow and opaque changes than to quick and visible ones. Finally, by comparing HELCOM with two other similar cases, the thesis shows that HELCOM's adaptive capacity could be improved in line with the recommendations of the ecosystem approach.

    This thesis illustrates the importance of studying the emergence of new tools for governing transboundary resources from several theoretical perspectives. The thesis uses an innovative quantitative content analysis and concludes that new methods might be required to enable such studies. The different perspectives used here give various explanations concerning the causes and consequences of the BSAP. In a future Baltic Sea, where environmental changes are likely to be abrupt, a multitude of understandings regarding the governance of the Baltic Sea will be crucial.

  • 1798.
    Valman, Matilda
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Stockholm University Baltic Sea Centre, Baltic Nest Institute. Stockholm University, Stockholm Resilience Centre. Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Duit, Andreas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Blenckner, Thorsten
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    HELCOM, we have a problem: gradually unfolding crises and problem detection in international organisationsIn: Global Environmental Change, ISSN 0959-3780, E-ISSN 1872-9495Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 1799.
    Valman, Matilda
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    Duit, Andreas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Blenckner, Thorsten
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    Organizational responsiveness: The case of unfolding crises and problem detection within HELCOM2016In: Marine Policy, ISSN 0308-597X, E-ISSN 1872-9460, Vol. 70, p. 49-57Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    How and to what extent do international organizations detect, process and react to different types of change within their policy domains? This study addresses this question by combining a unique data set consisting of policy documents from the Helsinki Commission (HELCOM) with data measuring ecosystem change in the Baltic Sea during the period 1980-2013. Here HELCOM's responses to two types of ecosystem changes are investigated: fast and visible (summer algae blooms) and slow and opaque (anoxic areas). Finally, this study assesses if the organizational reform of 2007, which introduced the ecosystem approach, has had any effects on HELCOM responsiveness. It is found that HELCOM, contrary to expectations, is only responding systematically to slow-moving and opaque processes but that this response confirms the anticipated organizational bottom-up pattern. The ecosystem approach reform seems to have had a negative effect on the responsiveness of HELCOM; however, a general trend is that HELCOM over time has become more responsive in the lower levels of the organization. The lack of an immediate effect regarding the ecosystem approach reform can serve as a reminder of the absence of panaceas in policy making in general, and in environmental governance in particular.

  • 1800.
    van Baalen, Sebastian
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mobjörk, Malin
    Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
    A coming anarchy?: Pathways from climate change to violent conflict in East Africa2016Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The warming of the climate system is unequivocal according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), and will have a strong impact on the security of humans and states alike. In the past half-century the climate system has changed in unprecedented ways and future climate change and variability will include long-lasting alterations to all components of the climate system. With the warming of the climate system and the recognition of the implications that this has for the availability and quality of renewable natural resources, scholars and policy-makers fear that the impacts of climate change will also increase the risk of violent conflict and affect their dynamics. However, despite the rather large amount of studies in the field, scholars have yet to move beyond a number of interesting patterns to establish results that remain robust across studies. While this is partly a reflection of the inherent challenge of observing links between uncertain structural factors such as climate change and rare social outcomes such as violent conflict, the field has also been repeatedly criticised for a lack of sound theoretical development. This has been exacerbated by the practice of excluding qualitative research from state of the art reviews. The purpose of this report is to fill this gap by contributing to a better theoretical understanding of the linkages between climate change and violent conflict through consulting the combined quantitative-qualitative literature.

    In this report, we seek to answer the question of how, and under what circumstances, climate change influences the risk of violent conflict in East Africa. We specifically focus on the pathways to violence – explanations that link various phenomena – in this case climate change and variability, and violent conflict – through a continuous and contiguous chain of links. We explore the research question through a systematic review of the climate- conflict literature on East Africa, hence obtaining a manageable amount of relevant studies and ensuring some minimal cross-study comparability. East Africa was chosen because of the frequency of violent conflict in the region, its high livelihood dependence on natural resources, high levels of poverty and limited capacity for climate change adaptation. The region is also especially relevant from a Swedish policy perspective, since Sweden has considerable development cooperation engagements in East Africa, for example in assisting climate change adaptation and peacebuilding. The present analysis builds on 44 peer-reviewed articles published between 1989-2015 that examine the relationship between climate-related

    v

    environmental change and violent conflict. By focusing on climate-related environmental change, that is a change in biophysical conditions that are or will be affected by a change in the state of the climate or by variations in the mean state of the climate, we widened our analysis beyond climate change to encompass both short- and long-term environmental change.

    The analysis is summarised in a conceptual framework that identifies five types of pathways from climate-related environmental change to violent conflict in East Africa. In particular, the negative impact of climate-related environmental change on the availability of natural resources can lead to conflict by worsening livelihood conditions, by increasing migration or by changing pastoral mobility patterns. Taken together, these three types of pathways lead to or exacerbate local resource conflicts that sometimes turn violent. Weather conditions and climate variability can also affect the tactical considerations of armed groups and hence contribute to intensified fighting during certain periods. Finally, the analysis shows that local resource conflicts are susceptible to elite exploitation that often significantly increases the risk and intensity of violent conflict. This highlights the critical role of political and economic elites in explaining how local resource conflicts relate to larger processes of civil war, ethnic cleansing and insecurity.

    In the discussion, we deepen the analysis by underlining three critical dimensions inherent in the literature: the temporal, spatial and political dimensions. First, the analysis shows that it is essential to reflect on the temporal dimensions of a climate-conflict link, both with regard to temporal scale of the environmental change in question and the expected time lag from that change to the outbreak of violent conflict. There is no reason to believe that all climate-related environmental changes at different time scales generate the same social outcomes. The bulk of the quantitative literature on East Africa measures conflict onset or intensity as an immediate reaction to climate variability, thus studying the implications of climate variability rather than of climate change. To capture the full spectrum, investigations of a climate-conflict link also need to consider the implications of long-term changes in altered livelihood conditions and rapid- onset disasters such as extreme weather events, as these pose a different kind of challenge for societies to mitigate and respond to. Second, the analysis shows the importance of accounting for the spatial dimension. The impacts of climate-related environmental change are unevenly distributed across space and altered livelihood conditions can offset population movements. There is therefore often no merit in assuming that climate-related environmental change will lead to violence in a certain area without considering how people move between areas characterised by resource scarcity and resource abundance. Third, the analysis emphasises that climate-related environmental change and violent conflict cannot be

    vi

    understood in an apolitical vacuum, since socio-political processes affect the relative distribution of natural resources, the adaptive capacity of individuals, groups and societies, and the risk of violent conflict. For example, absent, corrupt or non-functional political institutions often increase the risk of local resource conflicts turning violent. Thus, while climate-related environmental change in itself has not precipitated an East African anarchy so far, it has already played a role in the dynamics of violent conflict and will probably continue to do so, even though the consequences are ultimately mediated by human behaviour.

    Regarding the implications for policy and future research, three strands of policy implications follow from the analysis. First, since a central claim in the literature is that worsening livelihood conditions make people more likely to engage in violence, efforts that mitigate the impact of climate- related environmental change and that build resilience may also contribute to resilience to violent conflicts. Examples include weather insurance schemes and improved access to markets for pastoralists, income diversification and efforts that improve livelihood conditions. Second, movements across space are a crucial adaptation mechanism for populations affected by climate- related environmental change, particularly for pastoralist groups. This means that efforts that enable and support adaptation to population movements may increase both human security and lower the risk of violent conflict. One example relates to efforts that enable pastoral mobility while providing channels to solve resulting conflicts between pastoralists and farmers. Finally, the analysis shows that institutions, both formal and informal, are crucial for mediating conflicts. Since most communities already have some conflict resolution mechanisms, outside actors should focus on how such local knowledge can be adapted to meet new demands and increased pressure, rather than trying to introduce entirely new mechanisms. Future scholarship should examine the challenges relating to the temporal and spatial dimensions of climate-conflict research by studying the impacts of long-term environmental change rather than climate variability and by accounting for how populations move across space. Future research should also seek to improve data quality, while considering the importance of matching data and methods with the underlying theoretical expectations. 

33343536373839 1751 - 1800 of 1953
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