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  • 1901.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Almedalen som ritual och dragkamp om folket2018In: Almedalen: makt, magi och möten / [ed] Lena Lid Falkman, Stockholm: Stockholm School of Economics Institute of Research , 2018, p. 77-83Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 1902.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Comparing ‘deep’ insider knowledge: developing analytical strategies for cross-national qualitative studies2019In: International Journal of Social Research Methodology, ISSN 1364-5579, E-ISSN 1464-5300Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    One overarching question in scholarly methodological discussions on qualitative comparative approaches concerns how it is possible to compare and generalise deep insider knowledge across (nationally) specific contexts. The aim of this article is to propose a research strategy that both facilitates the comparison and theorisation of such knowledge across nations and limits the risks of reproducing naturalised national ‘truths’. The strategy is developed within a feminist, cross-national, qualitative comparative analysis of how European countries addressed military deaths in connection with the ISAF mission in Afghanistan. The article underlines the importance of collective analytical work and of strategies that allow continuous movement between insider and outsider positions throughout the research process. A number of analytical strategies are presented: collective project design, alternating between analytical closeness and distance, and de-familiarising writing practices.

  • 1903.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    "Gör en analys!" Om studenters svårigheter att vetenskapligt analysera politik - och vad vi som lärare kan göra åt det2014In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 116, no 4, p. 405-423Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 1904.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Politik som spektakel: Almedalen, mediemakten och den svenska demokratin2012Book (Other academic)
  • 1905.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Politics of War Rituals: Military Sacrifice and Gendered Meaning-making2019In: Gendering Military Sacrifice: A Feminist Analysis / [ed] Cecilia Åse, Maria Wendt, Abingdon: Routledge, 2019, p. 41-67Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter investigates the new official war rituals that were instigated in order to address European soldiers’ deaths during the ISAF mission in Afghanistan. How did ritualised practices and objects – such as ceremonies, medals, and Veterans’ Days – help to render the war mission meaningful and legitimate? Combining Feminist International Relations theory with scholarly work that addresses the politics of rituals, the chapter analyses which norms and ideals are called upon by these rituals, how hierarchies of values are produced and how national identities and gendered norms are (re)constituted. Using cross-country comparison as a feminist method of denaturalisation, rituals in the UK, Denmark, and Sweden are specifically investigated. The elevation and sacralisation of violence stands out as a common theme, while notions of history, family, and masculinity are expressed in more nationally specific terms. Finally, the chapter discusses how the new war rituals have affected possibilities for political discussions of issues of international war missions in the countries examined.

  • 1906.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Politisation of Feminist Research into Men's Violence against Women2012In: Australian feminist studies (Print), ISSN 0816-4649, E-ISSN 1465-3303, Vol. 27, no 71, p. 93-109Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In 2001, the first major study of the extent of men's violence against women in Sweden reported that almost every other woman had been exposed to male violence. This article investigates how this feminist-based survey was negotiated by the press and in national politics. The legitimacy of the investigation was undermined in a number of ways, both in the media and in politics. The report was defined as partial and not as reliable as 'conventional' criminological research. The resistance provoked by the investigation is here interpreted as a way of producing nationalistic notions, where 'Swedishness' is recreated as being woman-friendly, just and equal. In Sweden we have come a long way towards gender equality. In some respects-as regards female representation, for instance-we have come further than any other country in the world. Despite this, much remains to be done in a large number of fields. The work is of a long-term nature requiring determination, patience, commitment and not least-knowledge. (Regeringskansliet 2000, 3; emphasis added)

  • 1907.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Undermining women's political agency: media coverage of Feministiskt Initiativ (Fi), Sweden's first feminist political party2016In: Resources for Feminist Research, ISSN 0707-8412, Vol. 34, no 3-4, p. 81-101Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 1908.
    Wendt, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Jansson, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Pedagogik och politik: en introduktion2014In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 116, no 4, p. 373-377Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 1909.
    Wendt, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    För Sverige - med livet som insats: Afghanistankriget, döden och demokratin2016In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 118, no 3, p. 359-388Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Death, Democracy and the Swedish Afghanistan War

    Five Swedish soldiers lost their lives in Sweden’s military operation in Afghanistan (2002–2014). When citizens are killed in battle, justification of the individual sac-rifice becomes essential. For which values/for whom can the democratic state require its citizens to risk their lives? The purpose of this article is to analyse ideas and representations that support public discourse and constructions of meaning connected to the Swedish losses. The democratic implications of these construc-tions are also discussed. The results show that specific notions of gender and nation are central in the discourse. These notions limit what political positions and atti-tudes that become possible. National historical genealogies, as well as gender ide-als and family norms, frame military operations as “natural” and existential rather than political. Discourse is marked by emotions rather than by debate and delib-eration. The democratic discussion of military casualties and war-making is thereby constrained and critical perspectives become difficult to formulate.

  • 1910.
    Wendt, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies, Gender Studies.
    Kön, våld och död i nya krig2017In: Politik och kön: Feministiska perspektiv på statsvetenskap / [ed] Lenita Freidenvall, Maria Jansson, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2017, p. 239-250Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1911.
    Wendt, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Learning dilemmas in undergraduate student independent essays2015In: Studies in Higher Education, ISSN 0307-5079, E-ISSN 1470-174X, Vol. 40, no 5, p. 838-851Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Essay-writing is generally viewed as the primary learning activity to fosterindependence and analytical thinking. In this article, we show that independentresearch projects do not necessarily lead to critical thinking. University-leveleducation on conducting independent projects can, in several respects, counteractenhanced analytical skills. The purpose of this study is to advance knowledge onthe difficulties students experience in acquiring analytical skills. A group ofundergraduate political science students were interviewed while they attended anindependent research course. They were also asked to record their reflections.The digital diaries provide access to the students’ perceptions regarding theassignment and their struggles as they handle scientific problems. We argue thatthe students are caught up in different learning dilemmas when asked to performindependent academic research. One result is that ambiguous and contradictoryunderstandings of science affect the learning processes and thus affect thestudents’ possibilities for developing analytical thinking.

  • 1912.
    Wennblad, Andreas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Skilda världar: En studie av det svenska skolväsendet2012Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The study examines differences in treatment on grounds of ethnic, cultural and/ or religious group affiliation in the Swedish school system. The aim is to highlight these issues from perspectives of universalism and multiculturalism, focusing on the school's policy documents. The study is carried out by highlighting the representation of the perspectives and the tensions that may arise between them. The conclusion is that there are representations of both perspectives and that tensions do exist. In addition, it is concluded that the universalist approach has a clear advantage and that differences in treatment based on the above reasons do not find support in the school’s policy documents. Finally, possible causes for the situation found in the Swedish school system where differences in treatment do exist are discussed.

  • 1913.
    Wennblad, Andreas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Department of Mathematics and Science Education.
    Vem får bära skulden?: En studie om kunskapsluckor i matematik ur ett socio-politiskt perspektiv2012Independent thesis Advanced level (professional degree), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna studie tar sin utgångspunkt i den socio-politiska teorin. Fokus ligger på att synliggöra samspelet mellan individer i olika beroendesituationer och maktförhållanden i de svenska (matematik) klassrummen utifrån ett elevperspektiv. Syftet för studien inriktades till en början på att undersöka eventuella kunskapsluckor som leder till ett glapp mellan grundskolan och gymnasiet. Vidare söktes svar på om det sker en skuldbeläggning på grund av dessa eventuella kunskapsluckor och vem som i så fall får bära skulden för dessa. Resultatet visar, bland annat utifrån klassrumsobservationer och fokusgruppsintervjuer med elever, att kunskapsluckor existerar och därmed synliggörs glappet. Dessutom visar resultatet att skuldbeläggning sker och att skuldbördan faller inom olika nivåer. Samhället, skolan och lärare får bära skulden. Det konstateras dock att det främst är elever som får bära skulden i slutändan eftersom den enskilde individens motivation och ansvar – oavsett dess uppfattning om sin bakgrund, nutid och framtidsutsikter – anses avgörande för dess lyckande eller misslyckande i ämnet matematik. 

  • 1914.
    West, Simon
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Stockholm Resilience Centre. Australian National University, Australia; Charles Darwin University, Australia.
    van Kerkhoff, Lorrae
    Wagenaar, Hendrik
    Beyond linking knowledge and action: towards a practice-based approach to transdisciplinary sustainability interventions2019In: Policy Studies, ISSN 0144-2872, E-ISSN 1470-1006, Vol. 40, no 5, p. 534-555Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The imperative to link knowledge and action is widely invoked as a defining characteristic of sustainability research. The complexities of sustainability challenges such as climate change and biodiversity loss mean that linear models of knowledge and action, where knowledge is produced first (by researchers) then applied to action (by policy actors), are considered insufficient. Researchers have developed more dynamic, open-ended and collaborative forms of policy engagement such as transdisciplinary and co-production research. Although promising these approaches often remain captive to linear assumptions that hinder their transformative potential. We contribute by providing a relational model of knowledge and action rooted in contemporary practice theory. A practice-based approach suggests the primary task of participants in transdisciplinary interventions is to find workable solutions to situations of dynamic complexity that are fundamentally indeterminate and unpredictable. Knowledge is not applied to action, but drawn upon, produced and used from within the situation at hand, allowing researchers and policy actors alike to better harness the emergent character of situational developments and outcomes. A practice-based approach provides a conceptual language that captures the experienced complexities of intervening for sustainability, reconfigures the nature of actionable knowledge, and identifies appropriate modes of evaluation for transdisciplinary and co-produced research.

  • 1915.
    Westberg, Jacob
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den nationella drömträdgården: den stora berättelsen om den egna nationen i svensk och brittisk Europadebatt2003Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 1916.
    Westberg, Jacob
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    EU:s drivkrafter: En introduktion till teorier om europeisk integration.2008Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Varför skall vi ha den form av institutionaliserat samarbete som EU innebär? Hur skapar man ökat engagemang för EU-frågorna bland unionens medborgare? Vad utgör slutmålet för integrationsprocessen?De tidiga integrationsförespråkarna ville skapa en gemensam institutionell miljö där ledare för stater och organisationer skulle mötas och utveckla gemensamma europeiska intressen. Idag konkurrerar dessa ursprungliga målsättningar med nya problem och utmaningar.För att förstå de vägval som dagens EU står inför behövs kunskap om integrationsprocessens grundmotiv och dynamik. Boken lyfter fram de problemlösande aspekterna av integrationen och presenterar de viktigaste konkurrerande vetenskapliga teorierna om EU:s motiveringsgrunder och drivkrafter mot bakgrund av den historiska utvecklingen.

  • 1917.
    Westergren, Martin
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Political Legitimacy of Global Governance Institutions: A Justice-Based Account2016Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    One of the most prominent political developments in recent decades is the expansion and strengthening of global governance institutions (GGIs). Our lives are increasingly governed by rules for trade, fiscal and monetary standards, intellectual property law, and norms of good governance, developed and overseen by global institutions. An important task for contemporary political theory in relation to this development is to seek to clarify the normative issues arising for and from these institutions. In particular, it is important to clarify how the problem of political legitimacy should be understood in the context of GGIs: if, and in virtue of what, there is a problem of political legitimacy in global governance institutions, what the nature of this problem is, and what political legitimacy should be thought to require in this setting. Traditionally, the problem of political legitimacy is understood as arising as a consequence of the kind of coercive power and authority exercised by the state over its citizens. Coercive power, it is standardly presumed, requires a special defense because it stands in tension with individual freedom and autonomy. As a result, state power is legitimate only if heightened normative demands are satisfied. This thesis advances the view that a similar problem arises in the context of GGIs. Despite that GGIs lack strong enforcements capabilities and coercive powers in a strict sense, and despite that they may facilitate inter-state cooperation and produce benefits for states and individuals that would be lost without them, there are problematic forms of power vested in these institutions that gives rise to demands for special justification. The background conditions in the global political economy creates a situation in which states and individuals find themselves dependent on, and vulnerable to, decisions made in global institutions. In an important sense, these relationships of dependency give rise to constraints on freedom that are prima facie normatively problematic and that require justification, the thesis argues. Thus, a problem of political legitimacy is generated at the global level. The thesis argues that in order to be legitimate GGIs must fulfill duties of justice. Only if the distribution of resources and opportunities that GGIs give rise to through their rules, policies and programs, pass an appropriate justifiability test can the constraints of freedom they give rise to be legitimate. In this way, important duties of distributive justice are generated at the global level as a consequence of the need to justify existing global governance institutions.

  • 1918.
    Westling Allodi, Mara
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Special Education.
    Undervisningsmiljö och socialt klimat2010In: Etik i specialpedagogisk verksamhet / [ed] Rolf Helldin, Birgitta Sahlin, Lund: Studentlitteratur , 2010, p. 49-71Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1919.
    White, Jenny
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Muslim Nationalism and the New Turks2014 (ed. 2)Book (Refereed)
  • 1920.
    White, Jenny
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Muslimhood and Post-Islamist Power: The Turkish Example2014In: Between Dissent and Power: The Transformation of Islamic Politics in the Middle East and Asia / [ed] Khoo Boo Teik, Vedi Hadiz, and Yoshihiro Nakanishi, London: Palgrave Macmillan , 2014Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 1921.
    White, Jenny
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Spindle Autocracy in the New Turkey2017In: Brown Journal of World Affairs, ISSN 1080-0786, E-ISSN 2014-7910, Vol. 24, no 1, p. 23-37Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This article applies insights from cultural anthropology to the study of politics, nationalism and Islam in Turkey, with particular focus on group formation and competitive networks. It develops a model for understanding political fragmentation and inter-group hostility.

  • 1922.
    White, Jenny
    Boston University, USA.
    Turkey at a Tipping Point2014In: Current history (1941), ISSN 0011-3530, E-ISSN 1944-785X, Vol. 113, no 767, p. 356-361Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    By pulling the levers of suspicion and social polarization, Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan appeals to the conservative nationalist core of his supporters, but he is out of touch with a large part of the population.

  • 1923. Wijkström, Filip
    et al.
    Reuter, MartaStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.Emami, Abbas
    Civilsamhället i det transnationella rummet2017Collection (editor) (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Ibland ses det civila samhället som en alltigenom svensk historia. I denna nya bok uppmärksammas istället civilsamhällets plats i ett transnationellt rum av ständigt tilltagande aktiviteter och växande flöden av människor, resurser, information och idéer. De idéer som bär organisationslivets frågor och former har rest in från andra delar av världen. De översätts och vävs ihop med tidigare generationer samhälle, ibland vandrar de vidare. Så gick det till igår och så går det till idag. Med den transnationella blicken får vi syn på den pågående radikala omförhandlingen av systemet och på nationalstatens förändrade roll. I tolv aktuella kapitel möter läsaren forskare från olika discipliner och lärosäten med detaljerade analyser av civilsamhällets utveckling, men också motstånd och resistens.

    I bokens första kapitel sätts scenen för övriga kapitel. Vi möter Pride och undersöker kvinnorörelsens organisering i Europa. Vi får lära oss mer om både sparbankernas och konsumentkooperationens europeiska resor. Konturerna för ett nytt rum för importerad frivillighet och filantropi mejslas fram och arbetarrörelsens problem att hantera globaliseringen analyseras. Vi får veta vilka som är nationalstatens sista väktare, hur det går till när pappaskolor går på export, men också vad som kan hända med en transnationell gåva och varför en invandrarorganisation inte når hela vägen i sin europeiska strävan. Antologin är en fristående uppföljning på Civilsamhället i samhällskontraktet.

  • 1924.
    Wiklund Abdelmoez, Joel
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Middle Eastern Studies.
    Radicalization of Politics: Obstructing the Oslo Peace Process2015In: Journal of Undergraduate Research and Scholarly Excellence, ISSN 2156-5309, Vol. 6, no 1, p. 46-49Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the radicalization of politics in the 1990s leading up to the al-Aqsa intifada, also known as the Second Intifada. A study of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad Movement, Kach, and Kahane Chai reveals that the violence of these radical groups is not necessarily senseless rebellions against oppression but could instead be seen as calculated efforts to obstruct the peace process, suggesting that unsuccessful negotiations and a subsequent turn to violence are not failures of the peace process but are instead deliberate attempts to undermine it. Understanding the motivation behind acts of terror in Israel and Palestine today and its role in radicalization is crucial in countering terrorism and highlighting the road to peace.

  • 1925.
    Wiljander, Filip
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hela Sveriga ska leva: Idéer och konfliktdimensioner i svensk landsbygdspolitik2018Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Recent political developments, with the outcome of the Brexit referendum and the election of Donald J. Trump as President of the United States, have revitalized the discussion about so called political cleavages. Drawing upon the work of Lipset and Rokkan, some see the urban-rural cleavage as an explanation to the election outcomes. In a Swedish context it is primarily the increase in electoral support for the Sweden Democrats that has brought up the question.

    The overarching purpose with this master’s thesis is to explain the role of Lipset and Rokkans theoretical cleavages in Swedish rural politics. Rural politics is considered a most likely-case for finding ideas related to the urban-rural cleavage, a cleavage which is said to have gained a greater importance over the past couple of years. Political cleavages exist when political actors demonstrate cohesive ideas and in a structured matter relate to them. For this reason, the thesis’ subordinate purpose is to describe what ideas parliamentary parties have in the rural political debate. This is done through an idea analysis where problems and solutions presented by the political parties are described and interpreted.

    The conclusion is that the worker-owner-cleavage is the dominant cleavage in Swedish rural politics. Political parties tend to problematize issues that are a part of the cleavage, with issues such as welfare, regional redistribution, entrepreneurship and taxation. The urban-rural and center-periphery cleavage can only be regarded as secondary and subordinate to the worker-owner-cleavage. However, there are ideas in the debate relating to these two cleavages. Ideas relating to the state-church cleavage is absent in the chosen material.

  • 1926.
    Winkler, Stephanie Christine
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History and International Relations.
    'Soft power is such a benign animal': narrative power and the reification of concepts in Japan2019In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, ISSN 0955-7571, E-ISSN 1474-449X, Vol. 32, no 4, p. 483-501Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this article is to analyse how the seemingly natural fit between Japan and the soft power concept has been possible despite the notorious vagueness of the concept and what the consequences of soft power's reification are. By building on recent scholarship on concepts, expert knowledge and narratives, the article suggests that reification processes are best conceptualized as driven by concept coalitions. The article finds that soft power was narrated and nurtured into Japan's cultural diplomacy, Japan's relationship with the United States (US) and its security policy. The article, moreover, shows that the more soft power was understood, framed and accepted as benign and necessary, the more persuasive arguments about what Japan should do or be in order to wield soft power became. This has legitimized narratives that suggest that Japan's 'proactive contribution to peace' as a responsible ally of the US constitutes an inevitable source of soft power.

  • 1927.
    Winnerstig, Mike
    Stockholm University.
    A world reformed?: the United States and European security from Reagan to Clinton2001Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The research aim of this study is to answer the following question: What kind of security strategies did the United States conduct toward Europe during the period 1981 through 1997 ( and why? In order to answer this question, three auxiliary questions are asked. Firstly, what was the U.S. strategy during the second Cold War of the 1980s? Secondly, how and why did the U.S. strategy correspond to the European Union's fledgling attempts to build up independent, security and defense structures after the end of the Cold War? And thirdly, how should the 1997 decision, taken under U.S. leadership, to invite three, former, Soviet satellite states[MA1] into NATO membership be assessed?

    In order to answer these questions, two different analytical frameworks are developed. The first is based on realism and geopolitics, the second on liberalism and social constructivism. These theoretical perspectives are used as instruments for the analysis of the official U.S. security strategy, defined in terms of threat perceptions, goals, and means.

    The qualitative analysis and the quantification of the findings reveal that concepts related to both the realist-geopolitical and liberal-constructivist theoretical perspectives were equally frequent in the U.S. strategy. An additional analysis of declassified, governmental documents supports this interpretation as well.

    The study concludes that realist-geopolitical factors were essential for the formation of threat perceptions. Furthermore, after the end of the Cold War, the goal of NATO's continued primacy - and thus the continuation of American influence in Europe - was consistently pursued. The highly salient means of military capabilities also underscores the importance of the realist-geopolitical dimension of the U.S. strategy. However, the persistency of two other concepts underlines the usefulness of the liberal-constructivist perspective: the promotion of democracy and the concept of the democratic peace.

    Given the empirical findings, a new theoretical synthesis - constructivist realism - is applied. Based on the materially and militarily oriented realist-geopolitical perspective, it brings in selected immaterial and domestically oriented variables derived from the liberal-constructivist perspective, and specifies the relationships between them. Compared to conventional approaches, such a perspective amounts to a more persuasive framework for the analysis of international relations, since it considers both material and immaterial factors.

  • 1928.
    Wittenberg, John
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    PISA och lärarprofessionens självbild: En diskursanalys av lärarprofessionens meningsskapande och den diskursiva kampen kring PISA-fenomenet2016Student paper other, 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Den internationella kunskapsmätningen PISA får en allt större uppmärksamhet och betydelse inom den skolpolitiska debatten i Sverige. I studien undersöks betydelsebildningen kring PISA-fenomenet inom den svenska lärarprofessionen och de subjektspositioner som konstrueras i den diskursiva kampen om betydelse, både inom lärarprofessionen och i relationen till politiken. De subjektspositioner som framträder diskuteras i relation till den kollektiva självbilden och lärarnas professionsidentitet. Detta har undersökts genom en diskursanalys av artikulationer i de lärarfackliga förbundens tidningar; Lärarnas tidning och Skolvärlden. Undersökningen har fokuserat på framställningen kring presentationen av PISA 2012 utifrån en tidsperiod mellan november 2013 och april 2014, där materialet består av artikulationer kring tecknet PISA i 21 olika texter. Analysen visar att det inte finns någon entydighet i betydelsebildningen. PISA-resultaten används både för att legitimera och dislegitimera skolpolitik, samtidigt som relevansen ifrågasätts i relation till en metodologisk och dekontextuell problematik. Resultaten visar också att det finns en antagonistisk dimension i relationen till politiken och i den diskursiva kampen kring betydelse. Vidare konstrueras tre olika subjektspositioner i form av den utsatta och pressade läraren, läraren som syndabock och den aktiva och kämpande läraren. Studien får betydelse genom att synliggöra de konflikter som finns kring betydelsebildningen av PISA och i relationen till politiken, men även genom att visa hur lärarnas självbild och professionsidentitet konstrueras i relation till PISA-fenomenet. Detta kan föranleda ytterligare studier kring diskursiva förskjutningar kring betydelsebildningen och vilken betydelse PISA-fenomenet får i relation till lärarnas professionsprojekt.

  • 1929.
    Wittrock, Jon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sacred Nature and the Nature of the Sacred: Rethinking the Sacred in the Anthropocene*2016In: Telos, ISSN 0090-6514, E-ISSN 1940-459X, no 177, p. 107-126Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 1930.
    Wärn, Mats
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    A Lebanese vanguard for the Islamic revolution: Hezbollah's combined strategy of resistance and accommodation2012Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of the thesis is to study how Hezbollah has accommodated a system that it initially rejects but endorses for strategic purposes. It is suggested that Hizbullah's strategic undertaking involves a certain tension between making compromises and concessions while also sticking to its radical pledge to Khomeinism and the Islamic revolution. Did accommodation imply that Hezbollah abstained from these radical impulses while submitting to the social and political Lebanese fabric of pluralism? The contention of this thesis is that Hezbollah has operated in a way that combines its revolutionary pledge to the Islamic revolution with its accommodating strategies to the Lebanese state. That is, the national path chosen by Hezbollah should not be seen as the movement’s surrendering of an Islamist objective to the constraints of the nationstate, or the confessional system, inherently despised by the Hezbollah. Instead, Hezbollah's Islamist project should be understood as  a strategy of resistance which is situated on various levels, and it is argued that the movement has successfully combined this project of resistance with a strategy of accommodation to the Lebanese state. A crucial question to be answered is, resistance against what? The thesis suggests that Hezbollah's struggle against the Israeli occupation of Lebanon should not only be understood as an effort to liberate the land but also to promote a broader awakening of defiance that was part of the Ayatollah Khomeini's vision of the Islamic revolution. The thesis combines a theoretical framework of Frantz Fanon and Antonio Gramsci to understand how Hezbollah tries reproduce its pledge to this revolution with an accommodation to the Lebanese state.

  • 1931.
    Yabanci, Bilge
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Turkey’s tamed civil society: Containment and appropriation under a competitive authoritarian regime2019In: Journal of Civil Society, ISSN 1744-8689, E-ISSN 1744-8697, Vol. 15, no 4, p. 285-306Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule, Turkey’s civil society has enlarged both in size and diversity of civic engagement. This development is puzzling since Turkey’s weak democratic credentials do not allow an enabling political and legal setting for civil society’s expansion. This study argues that the expansion can be explained through a particular dilemma of rulers in competitive-authoritarian (CA) regimes. The AKP is caught between the conflicting interests of appropriating and containing civil society. While the government needs to cherish civil society to sustain CA regime, it also needs to repress it, as civil society is the only arena where dissenting social forces can still carve pockets of resistance and challenge the dominant paradigms of the regime. Based on extensive fieldwork, this study discusses the patterns of containment and appropriation that have led to the steady expansion of civil society under pressure. The AKP’s dilemma has also rendered Turkey’s civil society ‘tamed’, namely politicizeddisabled and segregated. The study broadens the understanding of relations between civil society and the state in CA regimes by offering essential insights into how these regimes are sustained, entrenched and also contested through and within civil society.

  • 1932.
    Yabanci, Bilge
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Taleski, Dane
    Co-opting religion: how ruling populists in Turkey and Macedonia sacralise the majority2018In: Religion, State and Society, ISSN 0963-7494, E-ISSN 1465-3974, Vol. 46, no 3, p. 283-304Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite the remarkable scholarly attention to populism and populist parties, the relation between populism and religion remains understudied. Using evidence from two long-term ruling populist parties – Turkey’s Justice and Development Party and Macedonia’s Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation-Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity – this study focuses on how and why religion can be an instrument for populist politics at three levels: (i) discursive, (ii) public policy and (iii) institutionalised alliances with religious authorities. The study highlights that religion comes into play at these three levels once populists attain comfortable electoral margins but encounter mounting political and economic challenges that can potentially weaken their grip on power. Ruling populists co-opt and monopolise the majority religion in the name of ‘the people’s will’ as they increasingly undermine democratic legitimacy but they need to justify their systematic crackdown on dissent, the system of checks and balances, the rule of law and minorities. The empirical findings of the study also demonstrate the dual function of religion for populists: its catch-all potential to create cross-class and cross-ethnicity popular support, and its instrumentality to discredit dissent as ‘religiously unfit’ while constructing an antagonism of ‘the people’ versus ‘the elites’.

  • 1933.
    Yvonne, Hirdman
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of History.
    Alva Myrdal: the passionate mind2008Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 1934.
    Zadencka, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures.
    In der Wahrheit leben. Aus der Geschichte von Widerstand und Opposition in der Diktaturen des XX Jahrhundert // Odrzucajac klamstwo. Z historii oporu i opozycji antytotalitarnej w XX wieku: [översättning till polska av textfragment av:] Alfred Delp2012Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 1935.
    Zadencka, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Slavic Languages.
    Obrazy suwerennosci. O wyobrazni politycznej w literaturze polskiej XIX i XX wieku2007Book (Refereed)
  • 1936.
    Zaia, Mary
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democratic Transition in the Middle East and North Africa: A Case Study of Tunisia2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This essay consists of a case study of Tunisian democratization process which came along the events of the Arab spring in 2010-11. The aim of the research is to understand why Tunisia took a distinctive path during the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa in 2010-11. The case study is within the theoretical framework of traditional democratization literature. These theories are modernization theory, historical sociology and the agency approach. Using the methodological approach of qualitative content analysis, I have analyzed academic articles and come to the conclusion that seven factors played a crucial role for democracy in Tunisia: (1) increased level of education, (2) increased level of information, (3) existing formal and informal organizations in the civil society, (4) transnational power structure, (5) the size of coercive apparatus, (6) compromises among political actors and (7) existing political community. I argue that both the structure of the civil society and the political foundation in Tunisia played a vital role for the distinctive path it took towards democracy. 

  • 1937.
    Zurek, Karolina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law, Department of Law.
    Analiza powstawania i funkcjonowania globalnego reżimu bezpieczeństwa i jakości żywności2012In: Wprowadzenie do problematyki globalnych reżimów regulacyjnych / [ed] A. Surdej, J. Brzozowski, Torun: Wydawnictwu Adam Marszalek , 2012Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1938. Zurek, Karolina
    Peter Gussone, Das Solidaritätsprinzip in der Europäischen Union und seine Grenzen2007In: European Law Reporter, ISSN 1028-9690, no 7-8, p. 290-291Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 1939.
    Zurek, Karolina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law, Department of Law.
    Regulating Food Trade in the Enlarged European Union2013In: Balancing between Trade and Risk: Integrating Legal and Social Science Perspectives / [ed] Marjolein B. A. van Asselt, Esther Versluis, Ellen Vos, London: Routledge, 2013, p. 15-32Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1940.
    Åberg, Emma
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Vill EU vända på steken?: En kritisk analys av EU-kommissionens ställningstagande i frågan om animalieproduktionens klimatpåverkan2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the ongoing European political debate on the links between livestock production and climate change. In the end of 2006 the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) released their report Livestock’s long shadow, showing that livestock production represents some 18 % of the total global greenhouse gas emissions. The purpose of this paper is to explore the European Commission’s position and response to this question since the release of the report.

    Using Arne Naess’ argumentation analysis, statements made by the Commission will be systematically organized and broken apart. The arguments will then be critically examined and explored through the lense of selected perspectives from the sustainable development literature, as well as the FAO report itself. The analysis will show that the Commission’s position on this question stands in sharp contrast to the many findings and recommendations in the FAO report, and relies on a set of assumptions that are often both unclear and of questionable validity. The line of argument used by the Commission is closely aligned to a wider theoretical discourse on sustainable development that, as argued by many of the theorists consulted in this paper, places a disproportionate focus on economic advantages, at the expense of social and ecological interests.

  • 1941.
    Åberg, Pelle
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Translating Popular Education: Civil Society Cooperation between Sweden and Estonia2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    By their very nature, attempts by civil society organizations to promote democracy abroad involve cooperation and contact across the borders of nation states. The dissemination of the ideas and practices of the promoters is often essential; in the case of Swedish democracy promotion, popular education or folkbildning has been important.

    This thesis investigates the dissemination of ideas and practices by civil society organizations in Sweden and Estonia in the field of popular education. More specifically, a number of projects run by member organizations of the Swedish study association ABF (Workers’ Educational Association) and member organizations of the Estonian AHL (Open Education Association) are studied. These projects are also part of democracy-promoting activities whose funding comes mainly from Swedish donor agencies. The thesis aims to understand not only what has been spread but also how ideas and practices have been translated to fit the Estonian context. The primary theoretical concept used is therefore translation, even though one aim of the thesis is to systematize the field of study concerning processes of dissemination and to enrich the concept of translation with the aid of previous work on diffusion and socialization.

    The main contribution of the thesis consists of the in-depth study of cooperation between Swedish and Estonian popular education organizations. It also contributes to the theoretical development of the concept of translation by identifying different phases in this kind of process and important elements of these phases. Popular education is an important part of Swedish democracy promotion and this study also contributes to this rather undertheorized subject, and also to the discussions of transnational civil society cooperation, by demonstrating an analytical framework that can be of use in future research into these issues.

  • 1942.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Crisis Narratives and Masculinist Protection: Gendering the Original Stockholm Syndrome2015In: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 17, no 4, p. 595-610Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Stockholm syndrome, or captor-bonding, is a psychological crisis response to which women are considered especially susceptible. The term was coined in connection with a 1973 hostage situation in Stockholm, Sweden. I argue that the syndrome originally indicated a crisis of state authority. The conception of Stockholm syndrome projected a crisis of the legitimate state onto the women hostages and reinforced connections between state protection, masculinity and physical force. Crisis narratives specifically targeted the women's agency, and the state's protector status was restored by gendering dependency and victimhood. The particular circumstances of the original Stockholm incident were a prerequisite for the syndrome's appearance and continue to inform common understandings and scholarly writing on the syndrome. When crisis discourse appropriates the Stockholm syndrome, a unitary perspective and gendered foundations of state power are reinforced. Possibilities of divergent perspectives and counter-discourses, which are critical to feminist interventions into crisis narratives, are thereby diminished.

  • 1943.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies.
    Förnuft och kropp: Feministisk kritik av liberala idéer2017In: Politik och kön: Feministiska perspektiv på statsvetenskap / [ed] Lenita Freidenvall, Maria Jansson, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2017, p. 77-88Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 1944.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Individ utan innehåll: en feministisk kritik av liberala idéer2011In: Politik och kritik: en feministisk guide till statsvetenskap / [ed] Lenita Freidenvall och Maria Jansson, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2011, 1, p. 45-49Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1945.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies, Gender Studies.
    Introduction: Gender, War, and Military Sacrifice2019In: Gendering Military Sacrifice: A Feminist Comparative Analysis / [ed] Cecilia Åse, Maria Wendt, Routledge, 2019, p. 1-16Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    What does military sacrifice mean in today’s globalised world? This introductory chapter explains why a gender perspective is necessary to understand the justification for contemporary war and military sacrifice. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan (2001–2014) proclaimed post-national and humanitarian motivations that confronted the idea of a masculine obligation to die for the nation and its women and children. Even so, this book argues that gendered national narratives and protector/protected relations were central in rendering meaning and legitimacy to the war deaths. Situated in Feminist International Relations, this chapter presents an examination of the social and political meaning accorded to the Afghanistan war deaths in six European countries (Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Italy, Sweden, and the United Kingdom). The rationale of a comparative approach to denaturalise constructions of gender and nation is emphasised. A key argument is that easily disregarded or allegedly un-political materials – such as emotional expressions, rituals, monuments, and artwork – deepen the scholarly understanding of war-making in contemporary democracies.

  • 1946.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kris! Perspektiv på Norrmalmstorgsdramat2014Book (Other academic)
  • 1947.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University.
    Makten att se: om kropp och kvinnlighet i lagens namn2000Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The female body is crucial to the ways in which relations of power between the sexes are constructed and reinforced. The body is the kernel of oppression because the body is what women are while at the same time it is made to legitimate women's own subordination.

    The overarching research question of this study concerns how the female body is recruited to confirm and rationalise women's subordination. Through an examination of the discourse on the Swedish police force encompassing the period 1950-1998 the how of women's subordination is analysed, in particular how the modus operandi of subordination rests on women's embodiment.

    The police have a decisive function in the state. Political theory insists on the emergence of police power as the condition precedent for any acknowledgement that a state as such exists. As an institution the police articulates legitimate power and political order. A police officer in uniform can be seen as a symbol of the political order. Female police officers thus have to appear to the public as dominant by dint of being police at the same time as they are subordinated as women. There is a collision between gender power and police power as such. This collision encapsulates the paradoxes and contradictions that the analysis identifies and problematises.

    Four mechanisms of subordination - separation, incongruity, construction and sexualisation - are identified and interpreted. These mechanisms point to different modalities of subordination. The first mechanism, separation, refers both to the way in which women are separated off from a putative, sexually undifferentiated totality and to how that totality's implicit masculinity becomes the universal norm which consigns women to the status of a special and deviant case. Incongruity works through an 'in spite of' proposition. Women can become police only in spite of their being women. Incongruity functions through a mismatch between the meaning of being a woman and the meaning of being a police officer. The third mechanism, construction, refers to the creation of femininity, the assertion of what it is about femininity that makes it impossible for women to be 'real' police officers. Women are constructed as a special resource for the police force. In this role it is precisely women's gender specificity that counts - the very factor that disqualifies them from being 'real' police. Sexualisation operates through the refusal to accord women the status of subjects and their subjection to the male gaze. The female body is imbued with a meaning which cannot be reconciled with the authoritative gaze of the police, a gaze that is central to the visual dimensions connected with the upholding of law and order.

  • 1948.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Monarchical Manoeuvres: Gender, Nation and the Boundary Problem in Post-War Swedish Constitutional Development2013In: NORA: Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research, ISSN 0803-8740, E-ISSN 1502-394X, Vol. 21, no 3, p. 172-186Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Swedish monarchy is often regarded as a purely symbolic institution. Since the constitutional reforms of the mid-1970s, the head of state has lacked formal political power, and rules of succession have been gender-neutral since 1980. This article examines how the monarchy is constitutionally negotiated and the consequences this has for representations of nation and gender. I argue that the constitutional underpinnings of the Swedish monarchy naturalize the idea of a national community. This analysis elucidates the specific dynamics by which political discourse, such as constitutional texts, successfully establishes a supposedly apolitical domain. I also demonstrate the consequences, in terms of norms and ideals regarding gender, sexuality, and family life, of the present constitutional design. The analysis is based on official political documents and debates from the post-war period. Following a section on the evolution of the current regulations surrounding the monarchy, the paper analyses political discourse on the form of government in light of the boundary problem, namely, on what basis can a legitimate people (demos) be affirmed? I demonstrate that the monarchy gives Swedish democracy a national foundation; a legitimate demos is established through the idea of a pre-political national community, personified by the royal family and codified in the hereditary order of succession. In relation to nation and gender, the monarchy connects Swedish nationalism to representations of “blood” and genetic descent. One important conclusion is that the way the Swedish monarchy is constitutionally upheld works against attempts to challenge politically and discuss Swedish nationalism and its relationship to conservative gender norms. Another conclusion is that the monarchy's hereditary principle runs the risk of obstructing free and unfettered discussion of constitutional issues.

  • 1949.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Monarkins makt: Nationell gemenskap i svensk demokrati2009 (ed. 5000)Book (Other academic)
  • 1950.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Nation and gender in crisis narratives: The submarine incident in Sweden 19812013Conference paper (Refereed)
3637383940 1901 - 1950 of 1959
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