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  • 1901.
    Wong, Grace Yee
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Science, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    Luttrell, Cecilia
    Loft, Lasse
    Yang, Anastasia
    Thuy, Thu
    Naito, Daisuke
    Assembe-Mvondo, Samuel
    Brockhaus, Maria
    Narratives in REDD plus benefit sharing: examining evidence within and beyond the forest sector2019In: Climate Policy, ISSN 1469-3062, E-ISSN 1752-7457Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    REDD+ was designed globally as a results-based instrument to incentivize emissions reduction from deforestation and forest degradation. Over 50 countries have developed strategies for REDD+, implemented pilot activities and/or set up forest monitoring and reporting structures, safeguard systems and benefit sharing mechanisms (BSMs), offering lessons on how particular ideas guide policy design. The implementation of REDD+ at national, sub-national and local levels required payments to filter through multiple governance structures and priorities. REDD+ was variously interpreted by different actors in different contexts to create legitimacy for certain policy agendas. Using an adapted 3E (effectiveness, efficiency, equity and legitimacy) lens, we examine four common narratives underlying REDD+ BSMs: (1) that results-based payment (RBP) is an effective and transparent approach to reducing deforestation and forest degradation; (2) that emphasis on co-benefits risks diluting carbon outcomes; (3) that directing REDD+ benefits predominantly to poor smallholders, forest communities and marginalized groups helps address equity; and (4) that social equity and gender concerns can be addressed by well-designed safeguards. This paper presents a structured examination of eleven BSMs from within and beyond the forest sector and analyses the evidence to variably support and challenge these narratives and their underlying assumptions to provide lessons for REDD+ BSM design. Our findings suggest that contextualizing the design of BSMs, and a reflexive approach to examining the underlying narratives justifying particular design features, is critical for achieving effectiveness, equity and legitimacy. Key policy insights A results-based payment approach does not guarantee an effective REDD+; the contexts in which results are defined and agreed, along with conditions enabling social and political acceptance, are critical. A flexible and reflexive approach to designing a benefit-sharing mechanism that delivers emissions reductions at the same time as co-benefits can increase perceptions of equity and participation. Targeting REDD+ to smallholder communities is not by default equitable, if wider rights and responsibilities are not taken into account Safeguards cannot protect communities or society without addressing underlying power and gendered relations. The narratives and their underlying generic assumptions, if not critically examined, can lead to repeated failure of REDD+ policies and practices.

  • 1902.
    Wärn, Mats
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    A Lebanese vanguard for the Islamic revolution: Hezbollah's combined strategy of resistance and accommodation2012Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of the thesis is to study how Hezbollah has accommodated a system that it initially rejects but endorses for strategic purposes. It is suggested that Hizbullah's strategic undertaking involves a certain tension between making compromises and concessions while also sticking to its radical pledge to Khomeinism and the Islamic revolution. Did accommodation imply that Hezbollah abstained from these radical impulses while submitting to the social and political Lebanese fabric of pluralism? The contention of this thesis is that Hezbollah has operated in a way that combines its revolutionary pledge to the Islamic revolution with its accommodating strategies to the Lebanese state. That is, the national path chosen by Hezbollah should not be seen as the movement’s surrendering of an Islamist objective to the constraints of the nationstate, or the confessional system, inherently despised by the Hezbollah. Instead, Hezbollah's Islamist project should be understood as  a strategy of resistance which is situated on various levels, and it is argued that the movement has successfully combined this project of resistance with a strategy of accommodation to the Lebanese state. A crucial question to be answered is, resistance against what? The thesis suggests that Hezbollah's struggle against the Israeli occupation of Lebanon should not only be understood as an effort to liberate the land but also to promote a broader awakening of defiance that was part of the Ayatollah Khomeini's vision of the Islamic revolution. The thesis combines a theoretical framework of Frantz Fanon and Antonio Gramsci to understand how Hezbollah tries reproduce its pledge to this revolution with an accommodation to the Lebanese state.

  • 1903.
    Yabanci, Bilge
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Taleski, Dane
    Co-opting religion: how ruling populists in Turkey and Macedonia sacralise the majority2018In: Religion, State and Society, ISSN 0963-7494, E-ISSN 1465-3974, Vol. 46, no 3, p. 283-304Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite the remarkable scholarly attention to populism and populist parties, the relation between populism and religion remains understudied. Using evidence from two long-term ruling populist parties – Turkey’s Justice and Development Party and Macedonia’s Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation-Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity – this study focuses on how and why religion can be an instrument for populist politics at three levels: (i) discursive, (ii) public policy and (iii) institutionalised alliances with religious authorities. The study highlights that religion comes into play at these three levels once populists attain comfortable electoral margins but encounter mounting political and economic challenges that can potentially weaken their grip on power. Ruling populists co-opt and monopolise the majority religion in the name of ‘the people’s will’ as they increasingly undermine democratic legitimacy but they need to justify their systematic crackdown on dissent, the system of checks and balances, the rule of law and minorities. The empirical findings of the study also demonstrate the dual function of religion for populists: its catch-all potential to create cross-class and cross-ethnicity popular support, and its instrumentality to discredit dissent as ‘religiously unfit’ while constructing an antagonism of ‘the people’ versus ‘the elites’.

  • 1904.
    Yvonne, Hirdman
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of History.
    Alva Myrdal: the passionate mind2008Book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 1905.
    Zadencka, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures.
    In der Wahrheit leben. Aus der Geschichte von Widerstand und Opposition in der Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhundert // Odrzucajac klamstwo. Z historii oporu i opozycji antytotalitarnej w XX wieku: [bearbetning och översättning till polska av:] Ludwig Mehlhorn Einfuehrung // Wprowadzenie2012Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 1906.
    Zadencka, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures.
    In der Wahrheit leben. Aus der Geschichte von Widerstand und Opposition in der Diktaturen des XX Jahrhundert // Odrzucajac klamstwo. Z historii oporu i opozycji antytotalitarnej w XX wieku: [översättning till polska av textfragment av:] Alfred Delp2012Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 1907.
    Zadencka, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Slavic Languages.
    Obrazy suwerennosci. O wyobrazni politycznej w literaturze polskiej XIX i XX wieku2007Book (Refereed)
  • 1908.
    Zaia, Mary
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democratic Transition in the Middle East and North Africa: A Case Study of Tunisia2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This essay consists of a case study of Tunisian democratization process which came along the events of the Arab spring in 2010-11. The aim of the research is to understand why Tunisia took a distinctive path during the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa in 2010-11. The case study is within the theoretical framework of traditional democratization literature. These theories are modernization theory, historical sociology and the agency approach. Using the methodological approach of qualitative content analysis, I have analyzed academic articles and come to the conclusion that seven factors played a crucial role for democracy in Tunisia: (1) increased level of education, (2) increased level of information, (3) existing formal and informal organizations in the civil society, (4) transnational power structure, (5) the size of coercive apparatus, (6) compromises among political actors and (7) existing political community. I argue that both the structure of the civil society and the political foundation in Tunisia played a vital role for the distinctive path it took towards democracy. 

  • 1909.
    Zurek, Karolina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law, Department of Law.
    Analiza powstawania i funkcjonowania globalnego reżimu bezpieczeństwa i jakości żywności2012In: Wprowadzenie do problematyki globalnych reżimów regulacyjnych / [ed] A. Surdej, J. Brzozowski, Torun: Wydawnictwu Adam Marszalek , 2012Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1910. Zurek, Karolina
    Peter Gussone, Das Solidaritätsprinzip in der Europäischen Union und seine Grenzen2007In: European Law Reporter, ISSN 1028-9690, no 7-8, p. 290-291Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 1911.
    Zurek, Karolina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Law, Department of Law.
    Regulating Food Trade in the Enlarged European Union2013In: Balancing between Trade and Risk: Integrating Legal and Social Science Perspectives / [ed] Marjolein B. A. van Asselt, Esther Versluis, Ellen Vos, London: Routledge, 2013, p. 15-32Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1912.
    Åberg, Emma
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Vill EU vända på steken?: En kritisk analys av EU-kommissionens ställningstagande i frågan om animalieproduktionens klimatpåverkan2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the ongoing European political debate on the links between livestock production and climate change. In the end of 2006 the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) released their report Livestock’s long shadow, showing that livestock production represents some 18 % of the total global greenhouse gas emissions. The purpose of this paper is to explore the European Commission’s position and response to this question since the release of the report.

    Using Arne Naess’ argumentation analysis, statements made by the Commission will be systematically organized and broken apart. The arguments will then be critically examined and explored through the lense of selected perspectives from the sustainable development literature, as well as the FAO report itself. The analysis will show that the Commission’s position on this question stands in sharp contrast to the many findings and recommendations in the FAO report, and relies on a set of assumptions that are often both unclear and of questionable validity. The line of argument used by the Commission is closely aligned to a wider theoretical discourse on sustainable development that, as argued by many of the theorists consulted in this paper, places a disproportionate focus on economic advantages, at the expense of social and ecological interests.

  • 1913.
    Åberg, Pelle
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Translating Popular Education: Civil Society Cooperation between Sweden and Estonia2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    By their very nature, attempts by civil society organizations to promote democracy abroad involve cooperation and contact across the borders of nation states. The dissemination of the ideas and practices of the promoters is often essential; in the case of Swedish democracy promotion, popular education or folkbildning has been important.

    This thesis investigates the dissemination of ideas and practices by civil society organizations in Sweden and Estonia in the field of popular education. More specifically, a number of projects run by member organizations of the Swedish study association ABF (Workers’ Educational Association) and member organizations of the Estonian AHL (Open Education Association) are studied. These projects are also part of democracy-promoting activities whose funding comes mainly from Swedish donor agencies. The thesis aims to understand not only what has been spread but also how ideas and practices have been translated to fit the Estonian context. The primary theoretical concept used is therefore translation, even though one aim of the thesis is to systematize the field of study concerning processes of dissemination and to enrich the concept of translation with the aid of previous work on diffusion and socialization.

    The main contribution of the thesis consists of the in-depth study of cooperation between Swedish and Estonian popular education organizations. It also contributes to the theoretical development of the concept of translation by identifying different phases in this kind of process and important elements of these phases. Popular education is an important part of Swedish democracy promotion and this study also contributes to this rather undertheorized subject, and also to the discussions of transnational civil society cooperation, by demonstrating an analytical framework that can be of use in future research into these issues.

  • 1914.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Crisis Narratives and Masculinist Protection: Gendering the Original Stockholm Syndrome2015In: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 17, no 4, p. 595-610Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Stockholm syndrome, or captor-bonding, is a psychological crisis response to which women are considered especially susceptible. The term was coined in connection with a 1973 hostage situation in Stockholm, Sweden. I argue that the syndrome originally indicated a crisis of state authority. The conception of Stockholm syndrome projected a crisis of the legitimate state onto the women hostages and reinforced connections between state protection, masculinity and physical force. Crisis narratives specifically targeted the women's agency, and the state's protector status was restored by gendering dependency and victimhood. The particular circumstances of the original Stockholm incident were a prerequisite for the syndrome's appearance and continue to inform common understandings and scholarly writing on the syndrome. When crisis discourse appropriates the Stockholm syndrome, a unitary perspective and gendered foundations of state power are reinforced. Possibilities of divergent perspectives and counter-discourses, which are critical to feminist interventions into crisis narratives, are thereby diminished.

  • 1915.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies.
    Förnuft och kropp: Feministisk kritik av liberala idéer2017In: Politik och kön: Feministiska perspektiv på statsvetenskap / [ed] Lenita Freidenvall, Maria Jansson, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2017, p. 77-88Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 1916.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Individ utan innehåll: en feministisk kritik av liberala idéer2011In: Politik och kritik: en feministisk guide till statsvetenskap / [ed] Lenita Freidenvall och Maria Jansson, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2011, 1, p. 45-49Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1917.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies, Gender Studies.
    Introduction: Gender, War, and Military Sacrifice2019In: Gendering Military Sacrifice: A Feminist Comparative Analysis / [ed] Cecilia Åse, Maria Wendt, Routledge, 2019, p. 1-16Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    What does military sacrifice mean in today’s globalised world? This introductory chapter explains why a gender perspective is necessary to understand the justification for contemporary war and military sacrifice. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan (2001–2014) proclaimed post-national and humanitarian motivations that confronted the idea of a masculine obligation to die for the nation and its women and children. Even so, this book argues that gendered national narratives and protector/protected relations were central in rendering meaning and legitimacy to the war deaths. Situated in Feminist International Relations, this chapter presents an examination of the social and political meaning accorded to the Afghanistan war deaths in six European countries (Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Italy, Sweden, and the United Kingdom). The rationale of a comparative approach to denaturalise constructions of gender and nation is emphasised. A key argument is that easily disregarded or allegedly un-political materials – such as emotional expressions, rituals, monuments, and artwork – deepen the scholarly understanding of war-making in contemporary democracies.

  • 1918.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kris! Perspektiv på Norrmalmstorgsdramat2014Book (Other academic)
  • 1919.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University.
    Makten att se: om kropp och kvinnlighet i lagens namn2000Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The female body is crucial to the ways in which relations of power between the sexes are constructed and reinforced. The body is the kernel of oppression because the body is what women are while at the same time it is made to legitimate women's own subordination.

    The overarching research question of this study concerns how the female body is recruited to confirm and rationalise women's subordination. Through an examination of the discourse on the Swedish police force encompassing the period 1950-1998 the how of women's subordination is analysed, in particular how the modus operandi of subordination rests on women's embodiment.

    The police have a decisive function in the state. Political theory insists on the emergence of police power as the condition precedent for any acknowledgement that a state as such exists. As an institution the police articulates legitimate power and political order. A police officer in uniform can be seen as a symbol of the political order. Female police officers thus have to appear to the public as dominant by dint of being police at the same time as they are subordinated as women. There is a collision between gender power and police power as such. This collision encapsulates the paradoxes and contradictions that the analysis identifies and problematises.

    Four mechanisms of subordination - separation, incongruity, construction and sexualisation - are identified and interpreted. These mechanisms point to different modalities of subordination. The first mechanism, separation, refers both to the way in which women are separated off from a putative, sexually undifferentiated totality and to how that totality's implicit masculinity becomes the universal norm which consigns women to the status of a special and deviant case. Incongruity works through an 'in spite of' proposition. Women can become police only in spite of their being women. Incongruity functions through a mismatch between the meaning of being a woman and the meaning of being a police officer. The third mechanism, construction, refers to the creation of femininity, the assertion of what it is about femininity that makes it impossible for women to be 'real' police officers. Women are constructed as a special resource for the police force. In this role it is precisely women's gender specificity that counts - the very factor that disqualifies them from being 'real' police. Sexualisation operates through the refusal to accord women the status of subjects and their subjection to the male gaze. The female body is imbued with a meaning which cannot be reconciled with the authoritative gaze of the police, a gaze that is central to the visual dimensions connected with the upholding of law and order.

  • 1920.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Monarchical Manoeuvres: Gender, Nation and the Boundary Problem in Post-War Swedish Constitutional Development2013In: NORA: Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research, ISSN 0803-8740, E-ISSN 1502-394X, Vol. 21, no 3, p. 172-186Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Swedish monarchy is often regarded as a purely symbolic institution. Since the constitutional reforms of the mid-1970s, the head of state has lacked formal political power, and rules of succession have been gender-neutral since 1980. This article examines how the monarchy is constitutionally negotiated and the consequences this has for representations of nation and gender. I argue that the constitutional underpinnings of the Swedish monarchy naturalize the idea of a national community. This analysis elucidates the specific dynamics by which political discourse, such as constitutional texts, successfully establishes a supposedly apolitical domain. I also demonstrate the consequences, in terms of norms and ideals regarding gender, sexuality, and family life, of the present constitutional design. The analysis is based on official political documents and debates from the post-war period. Following a section on the evolution of the current regulations surrounding the monarchy, the paper analyses political discourse on the form of government in light of the boundary problem, namely, on what basis can a legitimate people (demos) be affirmed? I demonstrate that the monarchy gives Swedish democracy a national foundation; a legitimate demos is established through the idea of a pre-political national community, personified by the royal family and codified in the hereditary order of succession. In relation to nation and gender, the monarchy connects Swedish nationalism to representations of “blood” and genetic descent. One important conclusion is that the way the Swedish monarchy is constitutionally upheld works against attempts to challenge politically and discuss Swedish nationalism and its relationship to conservative gender norms. Another conclusion is that the monarchy's hereditary principle runs the risk of obstructing free and unfettered discussion of constitutional issues.

  • 1921.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Monarkins makt: Nationell gemenskap i svensk demokrati2009 (ed. 5000)Book (Other academic)
  • 1922.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Nation and gender in crisis narratives: The submarine incident in Sweden 19812013Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 1923.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ship of shame: gender and nation in narratives of the soviet submarine crisis in Sweden2016In: Journal of Cold War Studies, ISSN 1520-3972, E-ISSN 1531-3298, Vol. 18, no 1, p. 112-132Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article demonstrates that the concepts of gender and nation illuminate the Swedish-Soviet submarine crisis in February 1981, when a nuclear-armed Soviet submarine was stranded for ten days in the Swedish archipelago. The crisis challenged both the Swedish armed forces’ status as protectors of the national territory and the government's foreign policy doctrine of neutrality. The article analyzes Swedish media from 1981 to identify the interpretive frames, with a particular emphasis on emotions and body imagery. Gendered notions of protection permeated the crisis narratives. Male bodies embodied national and military agency, whereas women's bodies symbolically merged with the Swedish nation's territory. The Soviet intruders were disparaged and Swedish military prestige redeemed through gendered and corporeal representations. The article improves our understanding of the way the Swedish ideal of the neutral soldier and the foreign policy doctrine of neutrality incorporated gender.

  • 1924.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Skammens skepp: när U137 gick på grund2014In: Det dolda hotet: 12 forskare om ubåtar / [ed] Andreas Linderoth, Karlskrona: Marinmuseum , 2014, p. 131-151Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1925.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Vi är överens: Om monarki och demokrati2008In: Sverigebilder: Det nationellas betydelse i politik och vardag, Institutet för Framtidsstudier , 2008Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 1926.
    Åse, Cecilia
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies, Gender Studies.
    Quirico, Monica
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Gendered Grief: Mourners' Politicisation of Military Death2019In: Gendering Military Sacrifice: A Feminist Comparative Analysis / [ed] Cecilia Åse, Maria Wendt, Abingdon: Routledge, 2019, p. 145-176Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter investigates how the relatives of the European soldiers who died in the Afghanistan war (2001–2014), particularly mothers, organised and acted publicly and politically. What is the potential for personal grief to contest political and justificatory war narratives? Feminist scholarship on the relationship between gender, war grief, and politics provides the theoretical framework. Using cross-country comparison as a feminist method of denaturalisation, the chapter discusses gendered grief in the six European countries, with a specific focus on Italy, Sweden and the UK. The comparative analysis identifies general patterns and pinpoints the national differences that had a key influence on the politicisation of war grief. A “politico-emotional war contract” is put forward as a key component both opening up space for and stifling bereaved relatives’ political agency. The chapter discusses how relatives made use of gender representations to challenge established war narratives, but also shows how women’s grief was silenced or appropriated and used to sanction and beautify military violence. An important result concerns how different national contexts condition the possibilities for women’s agency as grieving mothers and wives.

  • 1927.
    Åse, Cecilia
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies, Gender Studies.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Comparison as Feminist Method: Denaturalising Gender and Nation2019In: Gendering Military Sacrifice: A Feminist Comparative Analysis / [ed] Cecilia Åse, Maria Wendt, Abingdon: Routledge, 2019, p. 17-40Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter develops the cross-country comparison as a feminist method for the critical interrogation of naturalised ideas and representations. Recognising denaturalisation as a shared feminist approach, Cynthia Enloe’s concept of “feminist curiosity” is developed in order to advance cross-national comparison. The basic idea is that comparison assists denaturalisation because it enables the analysis of taken-for-granted ideas, identities, and emotional investments. The chapter presents the comparative methodology used in the subsequent chapters of the volume Gendering Military Sacrifice, where meaning-making associated with military losses in the Afghanistan war (2001–2014) are examined in six European countries. Discussing the methodological challenges related to denaturalising constructions of gender and nation, several research strategies used in the following empirical contributions are presented. These include working collectively, combining in-depth contextual knowledge with comparisons between national contexts, and presenting research according to empirical sites rather than based on a nation-by-nation perspective. As a necessary background to the following transnationally arranged chapters, this chapter also presents the differing war legacies and the building blocks of national identities as well as the overarching gender/nation relations for all the countries discussed in the volume.

  • 1928.
    Åse, Cecilia
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies, Gender Studies.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Conclusion: The Gendered Politics of Contemporary Military Sacrifice2019In: Gendering Military Sacrifice: A Feminist Comparative Analysis / [ed] Cecilia Åse, Maria Wendt, Abingdon: Routledge, 2019, p. 177-197Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Combining the results of the feminist comparative cross-country analyses presented in this book, this concluding chapter underlines the shared features as well as the national differences in European nations’ efforts to give meaning to the military losses during the Afghanistan war (2001–2014). Humanitarian justifications could motivate dispatching soldiers to Afghanistan, but were inadequate when the countries faced military fatalities. The establishment of national history and time, the renegotiation of relations between home and away, and the family trope rendered the war deaths meaningful and affected possibilities to critically discuss the war mission. An important argument is that potential for dissent vis-à-vis military violence depended on gendered national narratives. Discussing Feminist International Relations, the chapter addresses gendered protector/protected renegotiations, and spells out the gender consequences of the linkage between state sovereignty and military sacrifice. In closing, the chapter proposes the denaturalisation and politicisation of gender–nation constructions as essential to advancing war-critical narratives and effective anti-militarist strategies.

  • 1929.
    Åse, Cecilia
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies, Gender Studies.
    Wendt, MariaStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Gendering military sacrifice: A feminist comparative analysis2019Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    What does military sacrifice mean in today’s globalised world? For what ethical principles and beliefs are citizens prepared to die and to sacrifice their loved ones? In present-day security discourses emphasising human rights and an international responsibility to protect, traditional masculinised obligations to die for the homeland and its women and children are challenged and renegotiated. Working from a critical feminist perspective, the authors examine the political and societal justifications for sacrifice in wars motivated by post-national and humanitarian values. This volume provides original empirical research from six European countries, demonstrating how gendered and nationalistic representations saturate contemporary notions of sacrifice and legitimate military violence. A key argument is that a gender perspective is necessary in order to understand, and to oppose, the idea of the honourable military death.

    Bringing together a wide range of materials – including public debates, rituals, monuments and artwork – to analyse the justifications for soldiers’ deaths in the Afghanistan war (2001–2014), the analysis challenges methodological nationalism. The authors develop a feminist comparative methodology and engage in cross-country and transdisciplinary analysis. This innovative approach generates new understandings of the ways in which both the idealisation and political contestation of military violence depend on gendered national narratives.

  • 1930.
    Åse, Cecilia
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Ethnology, History of Religions and Gender Studies, Gender Studies.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Gendering the new hero narratives: Military death in Denmark and Sweden2018In: Cooperation and Conflict, ISSN 0010-8367, E-ISSN 1460-3691, Vol. 53, no 1, p. 23-41Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    During the 20th century, wars were fought primarily in the name of protecting the homeland.Making the ‘ultimate sacrifice’ was a national masculine duty and a key feature of military heroism.Today, human rights and international values justify war-making and legitimise military action.In one of these post-national wars, the International Security Assistance Force operation inAfghanistan, more than 700 European soldiers have lost their lives. How have these deaths beenlegitimised, and how has the new security discourse affected notions of masculinised heroism andsacrifice? This article investigates how the dimensions of national/international and masculinity/femininity are negotiated in media narratives of heroism and sacrifice in Denmark and Sweden.Regarding scholarly discussions on the professionalisation, individualisation and domesticationof military heroism, the empirical analysis demonstrates that the Danish/Swedish nationremains posited as the core context for military heroism and sacrifice. In the media narratives,professionalism is represented as an expression of specific national qualities. The media narrativesconflate nation and family and represent military heroes as distinctively masculine and nationalfigures. It is argued that a family trope has become vital in present-day hero narratives. This tropeis disposed towards collective emotions, national loyalty and conservative gender ideals.

  • 1931.
    Ördén, Hedvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Deferring substance: EU policy and the information threat2019In: Intelligence and national security, ISSN 0268-4527, E-ISSN 1743-9019, Vol. 34, no 3, p. 421-437Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The article describes EU cross-sectoral policy work on online information threats, focusing on the intersection between values and 'referent objects'. Examining discussions on strategic communication, censorship, media literacy and media pluralism, two value-perspectives were identified: while abstract procedural values of efficiency and coherence guide content management in the security/defence/internet communities, media/education communities highlight the end-goals of content pluralism and enhanced citizen judgement. In implementation, the former's lack of substantive goals, coupled with an outsourcing of content management, may give rise to hybrid values. The findings highlight the danger of neglecting substance in favor of efficient management of an online 'battlespace'.

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