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  • 201.
    Eduards, Maud
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Feminist Interventions, Gender Equality and Academic Resistance: A Swedish Political History2010Report (Other academic)
  • 202.
    Eduards, Maud
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Förbjuden handling: om kvinnors organsiering och feministisk teori2002Book (Other academic)
  • 203.
    Eduards, Maud
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kroppspolitik: Om Moder Svea och andra kvinnor2007Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Kroppspolitik behandlar hur svensk offentlighet förhållit sig till kvinnors kroppar under 150 år, med tonvikt på de senaste decennierna. Tanken är att kvinnokroppen idealiseras och tillmäts kulturellt värde samtidigt som levande kvinnor riskerar att utsättas för kontroll, marginalisering och övergrepp. Kvinnors kroppsliga villkor är präglade av motsättningar och splittrade innebörder. På vilket sätt står kvinnors kroppar till nationens förfogande? Hur har staten disciplinerat respektive frigjort det kroppsliga? Fem teman tas upp: landets säkerhet, abort, prostitution, högre utbildning och kvinnorörelser.

  • 204.
    Eduards, Maud
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kvinnor och politik: fakta och förklaringar1977 (ed. 1. uppl.)Book (Other academic)
  • 205.
    Eduards, Maud
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kön, makt, medborgarskap: kvinnan i politiskt tänkande från Platon till Engels.1983Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 206.
    Eduards, Maud
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Elgqvist-Saltzman, IngaLundgren, EvaSjöblad, ChristinaSundin, ElisabethWikander, UllaStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Rethinking change: current Swedish feminist research1992Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 207.
    Eduards, Maud
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Gustafsson, GunnelRönnblom, Malin
    Towards a New Democratic Order?: Women's Organizing in Sweden in the 1990's1997Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 208.
    Ehn, Peter
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Maktens administratörer: ledande svenska statstjänstemäns och politikers syn på tjänstemannarollen i ett förändringsperspektiv1998Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The overall theme for this dissertation is the position of higher Swedish civil servants in the borderland between politics and administration and between flexibility, loyalty, impartiality, and autonomy. An important assumption is that the attitudes and beliefs are especially significant in a system such as the Swedish, where civil servants may act under conditions of substantial autonomy. The dissertation is based on interviews with higher civil servants and a sample of members of the Swedish parliament. Among the civil servants the study is limited to the higher echelons in the national public administration - undersecretaries of state, assistant undersecretaries of state, and director-generals of administrative agencies. The study is comparative - comparisons are made between 1971/73 and 1990. The central instruments of analysis consist of three role conceptions of civil servants. They are constructed from three fundamental coordinating principles and are designated the judicial, the political and the market-oriented civil servant roles. In a second step, the theoretical role typology is adapted to "the practice" which is manifested in the Swedish public administration's development in a longer perspective.

    How the role of the civil servants in the political system was perceived, as well as the political positions, was found to be dependent on the positions of the interviewees in the politico-administrative system. This meant that the undersecretaries, irrespective of role perception, found themselves farthest to the left among the studied groups, then followed by the assistant undersecretaries and farthest right the director-generals. An exception to this rule was the politically-oriented director-generals, who were left of all the assistant undersecretaries irrespective of role perception and even to the left of the judicially-oriented undersecretaries. An important observation was that the market-oriented role of civil servants had strengthened its position over time. It could also be observed in 1990 that the undersecretaries were clearly different from their colleagues in 1971 through applying more of a political perspective of the civil servant role. The analyses showed that among the non-political civil servants - the assistant undersecretaries - the political role model had a strong position at both interview occasions. Furthermore, both politicians and civil servants showed a more negative attitude to politics and the administration. The higher civil servants had begun to waiver somewhat in their belief in themselves and the capacity of the state. The analyses of the role perception of the MPs showed that their opinions were closely connected with their political affiliation. Among social democrats and members from the Left Party (the former Communist party), the political role conception was dominating at both times and among non-socialists the judicial. An important observation when dealing with the views of the members of parliament was how surprisingly unfamiliar politicians were with the work of the public administation.

  • 209.
    Ek, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Varför finns det inte ensamordnare för informationssäkerhet inom Regeringskansliet?: Detta trots att flera utredningar under 20 år och flera inträffade incidenter har pekat på behovet!2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 180 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    För att försöka förklara den rubricerade frågan har jag använt teori om säkerhetisering av hotbilder. Metoden har varit en kvalitativ jämförande fallstudie. Jag har undersökt tre fall - två inom informationssäkerhet och ett inom krishantering.Vad krävs för att en säkerhetspolitisk fråga (hotbild) ska bryta igenom ’glastaket’ och hamna på den högsta politiska nivån (i detta fall inom Regeringskansliet)? Sårbarhets- och säkerhetsutredningen föreslog 2001 samordningsfunktioner inom Regeringskansliet för både informationssäkerhet och krishantering. Regeringen valde dock att delegera ansvaret för bägge funktionerna till myndighetsnivån när Krisberedskapsmyndigheten bildades 2002. Ett antal ytterligare utredningar inom informationssäkerhet har sedan föreslagit detta på nytt, utan något resultat. Den ”Oxenstiernska”byråkratimodellen med självständiga myndigheter är svår att ändra! Den enda avgörande skillnaden mellan fallen är tsunamin 2004, där resultatet blev en krishanteringsfunktion inom Regeringskansliet. En möjlig slutsats av detta är att det kommer att krävas en ’cyber-tsunami’ för att motsvarande ska ske inom informationssäkerhet! Alternativt att samhällsdebatten förändras på ett avgörande sätt och tunga aktörer börjar kräva en sådan funktion.

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  • 210.
    Eldén, Åsa
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Levin, Paul T.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Asian, Middle Eastern and Turkish Studies, Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies (SUITS).
    Swedish Aid in the Era of Shrinking Space – the Case of Turkey2018Report (Refereed)
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  • 211.
    Elm-Schulin, Viktor
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Do the Ends Justify the Means?: On the Justifiability of Statistical Discrimination2023Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    While statistical discrimination comes with similar objections as other types of discrimination it may also lead to a number of beneficial and important consequences, thereby leaving us with conflicting intuitions regarding the right course of action. This study investigates whether there is any superior account of statistical discrimination that can explain when and why such a practice can be defended; i.e., when it is justified.             

    Employing four desiderata — i.e., requirements — for a successful account of statistical discrimination, this study sorts out a number of popular but inadequate accounts and is left with three main contenders: the demeaning account, the consequentialist accounts, and the ex-ante contractualist account. The study notes several challenges with each of these main contenders and tries its best to answer them given the tools available for each account.

    This study concludes that the ex-ante contractualist account is superior to the other two main contenders given these four desiderata. In contrast to consequentialist accounts, it can more fully account for the reasons we typically hold against discrimination in a plausible way, and in contrast to the demeaning account, it can avoid the indeterminacy that seems to follow from relying, mainly or solely, upon demeaning treatment. Furthermore, it is argued that ex-ante contractualism’s emphasis on the need to discount uncertain burdens leads to intuitively appealing distinctions and implications. This conclusion gives new fuel to the idea that demeaning treatment is an important wrong of discrimination and offers a refined idea of what it means to take the consequences of statistical discrimination seriously.

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    Do the Ends Justify the Means?: On the Justifiability of Statistical Discrimination
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  • 212.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    “Bulgaria’s EU Accession and the Issue of Accountability: An End to Buck-Passing?”2007In: Problems of Post-Communism, Vol. 54, no 4Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In September 2006 the European Commission demanded that Bulgaria and Romania redouble their efforts to meet membership conditions before accession in January 1, 2007, but also put in place ‘safeguard measures’ that are valid beyond that date. In Bulgaria’s case, the main source of concern relates to the judiciary and enforcement capacity, especially the absence of a robust normative and institutional framework for evaluating and ‘individualizing’ accountability.

  • 213.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Forskarutbildningen: Att forska är att inte distraheras2016In: Att forska: praktiker och roller inom samhällsvetenskapen / [ed] Linus Hagström, Niklas Bremberg, Arita Holmberg, Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 2016Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 214.
    Engström, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Från höger till vänster – Black Lives Matter: En diskursanalys av svensk medias framställning av Black Lives Matter demonstrationerna2022Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna studies syfte är att undersöka hur demonstrationerna som genomfördes av rörelsen Black Lives Matter i Sverige framställs i svensk media och vad denna framställning leder till för effekter. Denna studie antar en kvalitativ ansats där det analytiska tillvägagångsättet utgår från Carol Bacchis diskursanalys ”What’s the problem represented to be?”. Studien belyser hur språket i tidningar skapar olika opinionsbildningar i samhället beroende på tidningens ställningstagande i det politiska spektrumet. Det följs upp av vad tidigare forskning har beskrivit som protestparadigmet, där medier följer specifika ramverk när de rapporterar om demonstrationer. I analysen ingår 27 nyhetsartiklar från tidningar som representerar den mediala vänstern, mediala högern samt den traditionella median. Det finns en forskningslucka angående hur svenska medier har rapporterat om Black Lives Matter demonstrationerna som denna studie har försökt minska. De slutsatser som kan dras av denna studie är att det finns en stor skillnad i hur man framställer demonstrationerna beroende på vart i det politiska spektrumet tidningen anser sig vara och att dessa problemframställningar kan leda till effekter som minskat förtroende för myndigheter och ett mer proletariserat samhälle. Studiens slutsatser kan bidra till hur media påverkar individens uppfattning i viktiga frågor.

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  • 215.
    Enqvist, Anneli
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mångkulturalismen är död! Leve gemenskapen?: Sammanhållning, identitet och gränsdragningar i brittisk integrationspolitik2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Storbritannien har traditionellt sett bejakat kulturell mångfald som en del av det brittiska samhället, ”en gemenskap av gemenskaper”. De våldsamheter som uppstod mellan asiatiska och vita ungdomar, polis och medlemmar ur högerextrema organisationer i flera nordengelska städer sommaren 2001 markerade emellertid en brytpunkt i den brittiska diskursen om integration och kulturell mångfald, vilken förstärktes ytterligare i de politiska svaren på självmordsbombningarna i Londons tunnelbana 2005. En rad utredningar och rapporter publicerades som signalerade ett tydligt politiskt skifte från fokus på antirasism och skillnadstänkande till en betoning av en gemensam nationell identitet över de kulturella skillnaderna och vikten av att skapa sammanhållning kring en uppsättning ”brittiska värden”.

    Med hjälp av Laclau och Mouffes teorier identifikation, gruppbildning och makt och Foucauls fokus på problemformulering, analyserar jag hur makt på olika sätt aktiveras i den nya sammanhållningsagendan och problematiserar de processer genom vilka den brittiska regeringen försöker skapa en förstärkt nationell gemenskap. I uppsatsens sista del för jag samman resultaten i en diskussion kring hur man hade kunnat problematisera det annorlunda och vilka alternativa berättelser som faller utanför blickfånget i diskursen kring ”community cohesion”.

  • 216.
    Enroth, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Political Science and the Concept of Politics: A Twentieth-Century Genealogy2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation is a historical investigation of the concept of politics in twentieth-century political science. It is set against the backdrop of the comprehensive rethinking of political concepts we are witnessing today in debates about forces like globalization, individualization, multiculturalism, and postcolonialism, and it seeks to account for the apparent difficulties in rethinking politics in similar terms today. Whereas core concepts like people, nation, state, society, and a host of related concepts have recently been reconsidered in light of these forces in the world, the concept of politics seems resistant to such rethinking, instead causing considerable uncertainty about the conceptual identity of politics and, by implication, about the disciplinary identity of political science in a changing world. The dissertation argues that this is largely because modern political thought has long rested on the assumption that politics is only possible and conceivable on the basis of something prior to itself, while all the entities politics has conventionally been thought to be prior to are today in question. Against this contemporary backdrop, the dissertation investigates historically how conceptualizations of politics in twentieth-century political science have consistently both sustained and been sustained by this assumption, by being premised on various descriptions of modern society. Tracing a number of such descriptions of society and related conceptualizations of politics from the early years of the twentieth century to our own day, the dissertation concludes by reconsidering the apparent difficulties in rethinking politics today. Arguing that such a rethinking would mean transcending the assumption that politics is only possible and conceivable on the basis of something prior to itself, the dissertation ends by briefly outlining what would be involved in such a rethinking, and what it would entail for the conceptual identity of politics and the disciplinary identity of political science.

  • 217.
    Enzell, Magnus
    Stockholm University.
    Requiem for a constitution: constitutionalism and political culture in early 20th century Sweden2002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 218.
    Eriksson, Arita
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Europeanization and Governance in Defence Policy: The Example of Sweden2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis explores the Swedish Europeanization process with respect to defence policy with the help of analytical tools from policy analysis. The time period studied is 1999–2004. Europeanization is defined as embeddedness, that is, linkages between the national and the European policy processes, and these linkages are conceptualized as participation, problems and solutions. The thesis seeks to analyse the modes of governance that characterizes the Europeanization process and discusses its results in relation to Europeanization mechanisms and the concept of European governance. It also elaborates on the implications of Europeanization for Swedish defence policy.

    Europeanization of participation is found with respect to a number of forums—decision making, implementation and external relations. Participants in the Europeanization process are identified as well as a reorganization of some of the patterns of participation in the Swedish defence policy process. The Europeanization of problems found is at first focused more on security policy issues than defence policy issues, but gradually the latter also become Europeanized, a process which is made visible in the political language of the defence policy bills studied. The main solutions identified in the Europeanization process are the creation of an EU military capability, the establishment of decision-making structures, capability requirements and capability development.

    The Europeanization process in the area of defence policy is found to be characterized by a mix of modes of governance. Various parts of the process contain elements of bargaining, hierarchy and facilitated coordination. The modes of governance may co-exist and change over time.

  • 219. Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Karlsson, Mikael
    Reuter, Marta
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Technocracy, Politicization and Non-involvement: Politics of Expertise in the European Regulation of Chemicals2010In: Review of Policy Research, ISSN 1541-132X, E-ISSN 1541-1338, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 167-185Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article addresses the relationship between scientific expertise and policy in European chemicals regulation. We argue that the role of scientific expertise in the European regulation of chemicals varies across decision-making levels, countries, and stages of the policy process. Our case study of the role of scientific expertise in the regulation of brominated flame retardants illustrates considerably different manifestations of this interconnected process across regulatory arenas, even though this case concerns a single group of substances. On the European Union level, we find a mix of technocracy and politicization; in Sweden, a clear-cut politicization; and in Poland, noninvolvement. Such differences can be explained by a combination of factors, in particular frame dominance, and mobilization of advocacy coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Review of Policy Research is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract.

  • 220.
    Erlandsson, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Stockholm Centre for Organizational Research (SCORE).
    Regelförenkling genom konsekvensutredningar: Om kraven på EU:s medlemsländer att i förväg syna konsekvenser av nya lagar och regler - och om Sveriges efterlevnad och motstånd2010Report (Other academic)
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  • 221.
    Erlandsson, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Stockholm Centre for Organizational Research (SCORE).
    Regeringskansliet och medierna: Den politiska exekutivens resurser och strategier för att hantera och styra massmedier2008In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 110, no 4, p. 335-351Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The professional communicators inside the Swedish Government Offices are today 140 (compared to a single one 40 years ago and just twenty 15 years ago), giving support to the idea that the media now has a major impact on everyday business inside the Government. This article shows that this partly true, as the media mainly have an effect on the politicians, the partisan ministerial staff and the communicators. But the relationship between the Government Offices and the media could also be turned around. The Government have resources for external communication no lesser than an international news agency’s, and does on a daily basis deliver an impressive amount of press releases and conferences – and information leaks – that the media has to handle. This article examines and analyses how the Swedish Government Offices, trough new posts, units and strategies, has institutionalised and centralised its’ media contacts during the last 40 years, as well as the reasons and the internal consequences of this development.

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  • 222.
    Erlandsson, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Striderna i Rosenbad: Om trettio års försök att förändra Regeringskansliet2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation examines the last thirty years of internal reforms in the Swedish Government Offices. Analysis of the evolution of personnel politics, the formation of one agency and the attempts to introduce a collective activity planning model, show that the immediate problems of the early 1970’s – an over dimensioned staff, territory battles and unclear division of responsibility for personnel and organisation – remains to this day, notwithstanding the many reforms to approach them. One principal explanation behind this is that the key players for successful reorganisations – the politicians – do hardly ever partake. Instead, and on the basis of the perspective of bureaucratic politics, this dissertation demonstrates that the internal development of the Government Offices should be explained as the result of struggles between different bureaucratic actors, with diverse views on problems and their solutions, and with various prospects and strengths to affect the outcome. Due to the choice of politicians to leave this policy field open to bureaucratic politics, the policy is essentially shaped and decided within a bureaucratic context. The dissertation ends in a conclusion that there is an almost constant bureaucratic battle behind internal organisation of the Government Offices, a conflict where tradition, values and strong bureaucratic actors play an important part, and where institutional change is exceptional, since the preserving powers in these processes have the upper hand. But politicians can change – in spite of these traditions, values and bureaucratic agents – if they have the determination. The theoretical aim of this dissertation, through a critical assessment of the bureaucratic politics perspective – an evaluation motivated by the empirical data and inspired by two challenging and related theoretic models; sociological and historical institutionalism – is to display the qualities and shortcomings of the bureaucratic politics model, to develop and improve the original model of bureaucratic politics, and making it more expedient for future studies of institutional change in central political organisations.

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  • 223.
    Erman, Eva
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ethics & Global Politics2014In: Peace Review, ISSN 1040-2659, E-ISSN 1469-9982, Vol. 26, no 4, p. 479-481Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 224.
    Erman, Eva
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Legitimacy in the Global Normative Order: Justificatory Practices in the Space of Reasons2014In: Politics and Cosmopolitanism in a Global Age / [ed] Sonika Gupta, Sudarsan Padmanabhan, Routledge, 2014, p. 59-82Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 225.
    Erman, Eva
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Boundary Problem of Democracy: A Function-Sensitive View2022In: Contemporary Political Theory, ISSN 1470-8914, E-ISSN 1476-9336, Vol. 21, no 2, p. 240-261Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In response to the democratic boundary problem, two principles have been seen as competitors: the all-affected interests principle and the all-subjected principle. This article claims that these principles are in fact compatible, being justified vis-à-vis different functions, accommodating different values and drawing on different sources of normativity. I call this a ‘function-sensitive’ view. More specifically, I argue that the boundary problem draws attention to the decision functions of democracy and that two values are indispensable when theorizing how to regulate these functions: procedural fairness and political autonomy. While the value of procedural fairness is best promoted through a version of the all-affected interests principle, applied to decision making generally, it is argued that political autonomy is best promoted through a version of the all-subjected principle, applied to coercive decision making specifically. The article concludes by drawing out some practical implications of the function-sensitive view for the case of immigration and border controls.

  • 226.
    Erman, Eva
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Problem of Political Normativity Understood as Functional Normativity2023In: Journal of Philosophical Research (JPR), ISSN 1053-8364, E-ISSN 2153-7984Article in journal (Refereed)
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  • 227.
    Erman, Eva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Furendal, Markus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Artificial Intelligence and the Political Legitimacy of Global Governance2022In: Political Studies, ISSN 0032-3217, E-ISSN 1467-9248Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Although the concept of “AI governance” is frequently used in the debate, it is still rather undertheorized. Often it seems to refer to the mechanisms and structures needed to avoid “bad” outcomes and achieve “good” outcomes with regard to the ethical problems artificial intelligence is thought to actualize. In this article we argue that, although this outcome-focused view captures one important aspect of “good governance,” its emphasis on effects runs the risk of overlooking important procedural aspects of good AI governance. One of the most important properties of good AI governance is political legitimacy. Starting out from the assumptions that AI governance should be seen as global in scope and that political legitimacy requires at least a democratic minimum, this article has a twofold aim: to develop a theoretical framework for theorizing the political legitimacy of global AI governance, and to demonstrate how it can be used as a compass for critially assessing the legitimacy of actual instances of global AI governance. Elaborating on a distinction between “governance by AI” and “governance of AI” in relation to different kinds of authority and different kinds of decision-making leads us to the conclusions that much of the existing global AI governance lacks important properties necessary for political legitimacy, and that political legitimacy would be negatively impacted if we handed over certain forms of decision-making to artificial intelligence systems. 

  • 228.
    Erman, Eva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Furendal, Markus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The democratization of global AI governance and the role of tech companies2024In: Nature Machine Intelligence, ISSN 2522-5839Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Can non-state multinational tech companies counteract the potential democratic deficit in the emerging global governance of AI? We argue that although they may strengthen core values of democracy such as accountability and transparency, they currently lack the right kind of authority to democratize global AI governance.

  • 229.
    Erman, Eva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Furendal, Markus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Global Governance of Artificial Intelligence: Some Normative Concerns2022In: Moral Philosophy and Politics, ISSN 2194-5616, E-ISSN 2194-5624, Vol. 9, no 2, p. 267-291Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The creation of increasingly complex artificial intelligence (AI) systemsraises urgent questions about their ethical and social impact on society. Since thisimpact ultimately depends on political decisions about normative issues, politicalphilosophers can make valuable contributions by addressing such questions.Currently, AI development and application are to a large extent regulated throughnon-binding ethics guidelines penned by transnational entities. Assuming that theglobal governance of AI should be at least minimally democratic and fair, thispaper sets out three desiderata that an account should satisfy when theorizingabout what this means. We argue, first, that an analysis of democratic values,political entities and decision-making should be done in a holistic way; second,that fairness is not only about how AI systems treat individuals, but also about howthe benefits and burdens of transformative AI are distributed; and finally, thatjustice requires that governance mechanisms are not limited to AI technology, butare incorporated into a range of basic institutions. Thus, rather than offering asubstantive theory of democratic and fair AI governance, our contribution ismetatheoretical: we propose a theoretical framework that sets up certain normative boundary conditions for a satisfactory account.

  • 230.
    Erman, Eva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kuyper, Jonathan W.
    Global democracy and feasibility2021In: Legitimacy Beyond the State: Normative and Conceptual Questions / [ed] N. P. Adams; Antoinette Scherz; Cord Schmelzle, Routledge, 2021Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 231.
    Erman, Eva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Möller, Niklas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Philosophy.
    Distinctively Political Normativity in Political Realism: Unattractive or Redundant2022In: Ethical Theory and Moral Practice, ISSN 1386-2820, E-ISSN 1572-8447, Vol. 25, no 3, p. 433-447Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Political realists’ rejection of the so-called ‘ethics first’ approach of political moralists (mainstream liberals), has raised concerns about their own source of normativity. Some realists have responded to such concerns by theorizing a distinctively political normativity. According to this view, politics is seen as an autonomous, independent domain with its own evaluative standards. Therefore, it is in this source, rather than in some moral values ‘outside’ of this domain, that normative justification should be sought when theorizing justice, democracy, political legitimacy, and the like. For realists the question about a distinctively political normativity is important, because they take the fact that politics is a distinct affair to have severe consequences for both how to approach the subject matter as such and for which principles and values can be justified. Still, realists have had a hard time clarifying what this distinctively political normativity consists of and why, more precisely, it matters. The aim of this paper is to take some further steps in answering these questions. We argue that realists have the choice of committing themselves to one of two coherent notions of distinctively political normativity: one that is independent of moral values, where political normativity is taken to be a kind of instrumental normativity; another where the distinctness still retains a justificatory dependence on moral values. We argue that the former notion is unattractive since the costs of commitment will be too high (first claim), and that the latter notion is sound but redundant since no moralist would ever reject it (second claim). Furthermore, we end the paper by discussing what we see as the most fruitful way of approaching political and moral normativity in political theory.

  • 232.
    Erman, Eva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Möller, Niklas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Philosophy. Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Does Normative Behaviourism Offer an Alternative Methodology in Political Theory?2023In: Political Studies Review, ISSN 1478-9299, E-ISSN 1478-9302, Vol. 21, no 3, p. 454-461Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A central distinction for Jonathan Floyd is that between the traditional method of pursuing political theory conducted by mainstream theorists, which he calls ‘mentalism’, and his suggested method, so-called ‘normative behaviourism’. While the former relies on patterns of thought (e.g. intuitions, value commitments, principles or considered judgements) to justify normative theories, the latter instead relies on patterns of behaviour. Floyd argues that normative behaviourism offers an alternative methodology to mainstream mentalism, a new – and better – way of doing political philosophy. Our aim in this article is to reject this claim: normative behaviourism does not offer an alternative methodology in political theory. First, we show that normative behaviourism, contrary to Floyd’s claim, is as dependent on value premises as mainstream, ‘mentalist’ political theory. Second, we illustrate the structural similarities between normative behaviourism and mainstream political theory from a methodological standpoint by comparing the former with an influential normative theory, namely, utilitarianism.

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  • 233.
    Erman, Eva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Möller, Niklas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Philosophy.
    Is Ideal Theory Useless for Non-Ideal Theory?2022In: Journal of Politics, ISSN 0022-3816, E-ISSN 1468-2508, Vol. 84, no 1, p. 525-540Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Ever since the debate between ideal and nonideal theory emerged in political theory, a “strong position” has been defended, which holds that ideal theory is useless for theorizing what ought to be done to make our actual societies more just. Varieties of this position have been put forward, but the criticism has been underdeveloped. In the last couple of years, however, the strong position has been defended in a more systematic way and on other grounds than previous proposals. It is argued that ideal theory is entirely uninformative for theorizing nonideal principles. It is this version of the strong position that is scrutinized in the present paper. We make two claims. First, we argue that the arguments put forward fail to demonstrate that ideal theory is uninformative in the intended sense. Second, we sketch plausible ways in which ideal theory may be informative in construing principles for our current conditions.

  • 234.
    Erman, Eva
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Möller, Niklas
    Why Political Realists Should Not Be Afraid of Moral Values2015In: Journal of Philosophical Research (JPR), ISSN 1053-8364, E-ISSN 2153-7984, Vol. 40, p. 459-464Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In a previous article, we unpacked the so-called "ethics first premise"-the idea that ethics is "prior" to politics when theorizing political legitimacy-that is denied by political realists. We defended a "justificatory" reading of this premise, according to which political justification is irreducibly moral in the sense that moral values are among the values that ground political legitimacy. We called this the "necessity thesis." In this paper we respond to two challenges that Robert Jubb and Enzo Rossi raise against our proposal. Their first claim is that our argument for the necessity thesis is question begging, since we assume rather than show that freedom and equality are moral values. The second claim is that Bernard Williams's Basic Legitimacy Demand demonstrates the possibility of giving political legitimacy a non-moral foundation, since it allows for a distinction to be made between politics and sheer domination. We refute both claims.

  • 235. Esaiasson, Peter
    et al.
    Fredén, Annika
    Teorell, Jan
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Details Matter: Secluded Areas and Voting Secrecy with French Ballots2023In: Election Law Journal, ISSN 1533-1296, E-ISSN 1557-8062, Vol. 22, no 4, p. 327-336Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    To explore the psychology of voting secrecy, we conducted a field experiment to examine voter sensitivity to arrangements for ballot paper selection under the French ballot system (i.e., multiple ballot papers). Working closely with Swedish election authorities, we randomly assigned participants to vote in a fictional election under low, medium-high and high privacy conditions with a follow up paper-and-pen survey to record perceived voting secrecy. Results show that participants perceived an arrangement for selecting ballot papers behind a closed screen as clearly more secret than one where selection was public, and that a third and even more private arrangement, where voters did not have to walk a few meters with ballot papers in hand, potentially visible to onlookers, provided even higher levels of perceived secrecy. The study demonstrates that voters are sensitive even to small changes in the voting environment. Accordingly, election administrators should be aware that details matter for the experience of voting secretly.

  • 236. Esiasson, Peter
    et al.
    Hermansson, Jörgen
    Micheletti, Michele
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Petersson, Olof
    Demokrati som dialog1995Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    SNS Demokratiråd bildades 1994 i syfte att studera den svenska demokratins arbetsformer. Författarna fokuserar på ett antal centrala värden: demokrati som medborgarstyrelse, demokratin skall vara förenlig med rättsstatens krav och den skall vara handlingskraftig.

    För att se om den svenska demokratin uppfyller dessa krav undersöks tretton olika indikatorer, bl.a. hur valrörelserna fungerar, vem som har kontrollen över den politiska dagordningen, massmedias roll, medborgarnas tolerans och det politiska deltagandets utveckling.

    Boken avslutas med en bedömning av hur det svenska styrelseskicket lever upp till demokratins ideal, samt hur demokratin utvecklats under de senaste två decennierna.

  • 237.
    Eslahchi, Morteza
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Failed Integration, Alienation and the Rise of Homegrown Violent Islamist Extremism in Sweden: An institutional framework for analyzing Sweden’s terrorism prevention policy and practice2017Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In this thesis, I try to analyze how Sweden prevents violent Islamist

    extremism. First, by using alienation and network theories I explain how

    various socio-economic factors create an alienating environment in which

    individuals who have inappropriate social network can move towards violent

    Islamist extremism. Second, by analyzing the policy and practice of

    preventive work with a focus on activities of the National Coordinator

    Against Violent Extremism I try to identify achievements and shortcomings

    in this area, and eventually suggest how preventive work in Sweden can be

    improved.

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  • 238.
    Evertsson, Nubia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    Corporate Contributions to Electoral Campaigns: The Current State of Affairs2018In: Handbook of Political Party Funding / [ed] Jonathan Mendilow, Eric Phélippeau, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2018, p. 33-54Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 239.
    Fast, Cornelia
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    An Ecofeminist Analysis of Swedish Environmental Policies2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The ways in which countries’ environmental performances are assessed are many, and the amount of variables examined to make such assessments is even greater. In the process of managing current and future environmental problems, policy is one of the main tools utilized by states. Motivated by its high position on indexes that measure environmental performance and gender equality respectively, this essay contains a case study where Sweden’s environmental policies are analysed from an ecofeminist perspective – a theoretical stance that highlights the importance of incorporating feminism, ecology and situated knowledge in policy and practice. Such an assessment is performed with an idea analysis and an ecofeminist ideal type, with the aim to provide an alternative view on the qualities of and success in environmental policy. The findings show that all policy categories incorporate the components that the ecofeminist ideal type consists of. However, the level of incorporation differs with regard to how many policies in each category that do so. Thus, there are several policies that ecofeminist theory would suggest need further consideration, while the result also illustrates that an ecofeminist perspective is relevant and useable in the formulation of environmental policy.

    Key words: environmental policy, ecofeminism, idea analysis, Sweden, environment, policy, feminism, case study.

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  • 240. Fedorov, Juri
    et al.
    Nygren, BertilStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Russian presidential election in 2000.2000Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 241. Fedorov, Yuri
    et al.
    Nygren, BertilStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Putin I and Putin II: results of the first term and prospects for the second.2004Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 242. Fedorov, Yuri
    et al.
    Nygren, BertilStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Russia and Europe: Putin's foreign policy.2002Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 243. Fedorov, Yuri
    et al.
    Nygren, BertilStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Russia and NATO.2000Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 244. Fedorov, Yuri
    et al.
    Nygren, BertilStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Russian military reform and Russia's new security environment.2003Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 245.
    Feiler, Yael
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Musicology and Performance Studies. Teater- och dansvetenskap.
    Inte alltid så privat2008In: arena: Sveriges ledande samhällsmagasin, ISSN 1652-0556, no #2 2008, p. 43-45Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 246. Fioretos, Orfeo
    et al.
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Politics and Theory of Global Governance2020In: International Theory, ISSN 1752-9719, E-ISSN 1752-9727, Vol. 13, no 1, p. 99-111Article in journal (Refereed)
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  • 247.
    Fleischer, Rasmus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Two fascisms in contemporary Europe? Understanding the contemporary split of the Radical Right2014In: In the tracks of Breivik: far right networks in Northern and Eastern Europe / [ed] Mats Deland, Michael Minkenberg, Christin Mays, Berlin: LIT Verlag, 2014, p. 53-70Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Fleischer suggests that the divergences between the far right in Eastern and Northwestern Europe in the late 2000s could be understood as a difference between multi-fascism, concentrated on the preservation and re-birth of ethnic identities, and mono-fascism, pre-occupied with the defense of "Western" values against perceived threats, foremost from Muslim populations. Although, as Fleischer emphasizes in his afterword, these forms now appear to have been transient, his chapter emphasizes the need for a synthesized and theoretically refined perspective on the contemporary far right.

  • 248.
    Flyghed, Janne
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Criminology.
    Cover up or dig up? Inquiries of security services in the welfare state: The case of Norway, Sweden and Denmark.2010In: Commissions of inquiry and national security: comparative approaches / [ed] Stuart Farson and Mark Phythian, ABC-CLIO , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 249.
    Francis, Dorian
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den antirasistiska nationen under omförhandling: En kort historia av uppfattningar av rasismen i Sverige som strukturell2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Under lång tid har det funnits ett förhärskande sätt att förstå rasismen i Sverige som orsakad avvissa avvikande individer och grupper i en annars ”postrasistisk” nation. Tidigare forskningframhåller att denna uppfattning är starkt kopplad till den rådande nationella självbilden avSverige som en särskilt progressiv och modern nation. På senare år har det vuxit fram enkonkurrerande uppfattning om rasismen som en strukturell maktordning som genomsyrar detsvenska samhället. I syfte att bidra till en fördjupad förståelse för vilka faktorer som gör att deallmänna uppfattningarna om rasismen i Sverige består eller skiftar över tid undersöker dennauppsats det konkurrerande, strukturella synsättet. En diskursteoretisk ansats tillämpas för attklarlägga dess centrala idéer och översiktligt spåra dem över tid i den offentliga debatten medfokus på idéernas ursprung, utveckling samt inflytande på debattagendan. Resultaten indikeraratt den konkurrerande uppfattningen började manifesteras i den svenska samhällsdebattenomkring år 1990 men förblev marginell fram till cirka år 2010–2012 och framåt då dessförekomst i debatten tycks ha ökat explosionsartat. Flera indikationer tyder också på att denkonkurrerande uppfattningens inflytande på debatten har ökat, trots att den har mötts av starktmotstånd. Därtill påbörjas en kort analys av hur människors identiteter, känslor och fantasierkan bidra till förändringar av rådande uppfattningar om rasismen i Sverige.

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    Dorian Francis - Den antirasistiska nationen under omförhandling
  • 250.
    Freidenvall, Lenita
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    A Discursive Struggle: The Swedish National Federation of Social Democratic Women and Gender Quotas2005In: Nordic Journal of Women's Studies, ISSN 0803-8740, Vol. 13, no 3, p. 175-186Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1993, the Social Democratic Party in Sweden adopted the zipper system, a gender quota system whereby women and men are placed alternately on party lists. The National Federation of Social Democratic Women had, however, as early as in 1928 proposed that the Social Democratic Party introduce gender quotas so that women would be placed in safe positions on the party lists.

    In this article, the struggle of the National Federation of Social Democratic Women for an increased parliamentary representation of women and its demand for gender quotas during the period 1970-1993 is analysed. Its strategies to put the issue of women's under-representation on the political agenda are outlined as well as the major discursive frames that the debate was embedded within. The article suggests that the discursive controversies over gender quotas can best be understood in the context of competing conceptions regarding historical development, equal opportunity, local autonomy, and cooperation between women and men. One main point is that the zipper system despite its radical effect, can be seen as a discursive solution to the norm of cooperation.

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