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  • 201. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Communication in Movements2015Inngår i: Oxford Handbook of Social Movements / [ed] Donatella della Porta, Mario Diani, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015, s. 367-382Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 202. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Digital Media and the Personalization of Collective Action: Social Technology and the Organization of Protests against the Global Economic Crisis2012Inngår i: Social Media and Democracy: Innovations in Participatory Politics / [ed] Brian D. Loader, Dan Mercea, New York: Routledge, 2012Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 203. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Digital Media and the Personalization of Collective Action: Social technology and the organization of protests against the global economic crisis2011Inngår i: Information, Communication and Society, ISSN 1369-118X, E-ISSN 1468-4462, Vol. 14, nr 6, s. 770-799Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Changes related to globalization have resulted in the growing separation of individuals in late modern societies from traditional bases of social solidarity such as parties, churches, and other mass organizations. One sign of this growing individualization is the organization of individual action in terms of meanings assigned to lifestyle elements resulting in the personalization of issues such as climate change, labour standards, and the quality of food supplies. Such developments bring individuals' own narratives to the fore in the mobilization process, often requiring organizations to be more flexible in their definitions of issues. This personalization of political action presents organizations with a set of fundamental challenges involving potential trade-offs between flexibility and effectiveness. This paper analyses how different protest networks used digital media to engage individuals in mobilizations targeting the 2009 G20 London Summit during the global financial crisis. The authors examine how these different communication processes affected the political capacity of the respective organizations and networked coalitions. In particular, the authors explore whether the coalition offering looser affiliation options for individuals displays any notable loss of public engagement, policy focus (including mass media impact), or solidarity network coherence. This paper also examines whether the coalition offering more rigid collective action framing and fewer personalized social media affordances displays any evident gain in the same dimensions of mobilization capacity. In this case, the evidence suggests that the more personalized collective action process maintains high levels of engagement, agenda focus, and network strength.

  • 204.
    Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    University of Washington, USA.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Logic of Connective Action: Digital Media and the Personalization of Contentious Politics2013Bok (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 205. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The logic of connective action: Digital media and the personalization of contentious politics2012Inngår i: Information, Communication and Society, ISSN 1369-118X, E-ISSN 1468-4462, Vol. 15, nr 5, s. 739-768Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    From the Arab Spring and los indignados in Spain, to Occupy Wall Street (and beyond), large-scale, sustained protests are using digital media in ways that go beyond sending and receiving messages. Some of these action formations contain relatively small roles for formal brick and mortar organizations. Others involve well-established advocacy organizations, in hybrid relations with other organizations, using technologies that enable personalized public engagement. Both stand in contrast to the more familiar organizationally managed and brokered action conventionally associated with social movement and issue advocacy. This article examines the organizational dynamics that emerge when communication becomes a prominent part of organizational structure. It argues that understanding such variations in large-scale action networks requires distinguishing between at least two logics that may be in play: The familiar logic of collective action associated with high levels of organizational resources and the formation of collective identities, and the less familiar logic of connective action based on personalized content sharing across media networks. In the former, introducing digital media do not change the core dynamics of the action. In the case of the latter, they do. Building on these distinctions, the article presents three ideal types of large-scale action networks that are becoming prominent in the contentious politics of the contemporary era.

  • 206. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Three Patterns of Power in Technology-Enabled Contention2014Inngår i: Mobilization, ISSN 1086-671X, E-ISSN 1938-1514, Vol. 19, nr 4, s. 421-439Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Technology-enabled networks of contention differ from physically co-present networks in that communication more saliently structures relations among actors. Technology platforms may even take on some roles of organizations in providing information, distributing resources, and coordinating action. Although many observers claim that online networks tend to concentrate public displays of attention and recognition in power-law hierarchies, we propose that technology-enabled contentious networks may seek or avoid concentrated hierarchies as reflections of the participants' underlying values and technology preferences. The article identifies three ideal type power signatures in technology-enabled networks-highly concentrated, moderately concentrated, and dispersed. Different power signatures can result in similar political outcomes, suggesting that none of them represents a generally more effective way to organize power in networks. However, in particular situations, different power configurations can affect how action is framed, how individuals become engaged, and the degree of fit between mobilizations and political contexts.

  • 207. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Knüpfer, Curd B.
    The democratic interface: technology, political organization, and diverging patterns of electoral representation2018Inngår i: Information, Communication and Society, ISSN 1369-118X, E-ISSN 1468-4462, Vol. 21, nr 11, s. 1655-1680Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Democracies are experiencing historic disruptions affecting how people engage with core institutions such as the press, civil society organizations, parties, and elections. These processes of citizen interaction with institutions operate as a democratic interface shaping self-government and the quality of public life. The electoral dimension of the interface is important, as its operation can affect all others. This analysis explores a growing left-right imbalance in the electoral connection between citizens, parties, elections, and government. This imbalance is due, in part, to divergent left-right preferences for political engagement, organization, and communication. Support on the right for clearer social rules and simpler moral, racial and nationalist agendas are compatible with hierarchical, leader-centered party organizations that compete more effectively in elections. Parties on the left currently face greater challenges engaging citizens due to the popular meta-ideology of diversity and inclusiveness and demands for direct or deliberative democracy. What we term connective parties are developing technologies to perform core organizational functions, and some have achieved electoral success. However, when connective parties on the left try to develop shared authority processes, online and offline, they face significant challenges competing with more conventionally organized parties on the right.

  • 208.
    Berg, Heléne
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen.
    Dahlberg, Matz
    Vernby, Kåre
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Post-WWI military disarmament and interwar fascism in Sweden2019Inngår i: Historical Methods, ISSN 0161-5440, E-ISSN 1940-1906, Vol. 52, nr 1, s. 37-56Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The emergence of anti-democratic movements is a central puzzle to social science. We study a novel and rich historical dataset covering Swedish municipalities during the interwar years and find a strong link between the presence of a military garrison and the emergence of fascist parties. We interpret these results as suggesting that fascist mobilization in Sweden was driven by discontent with the process of disarmament brought about by democratization. In contrast, poor economic conditions, as captured both by levels of and changes in the local poverty rate and tax base, do not explain the strong link between the fascists and military garrisons. We relate these results to influential theories of democratization.

  • 209.
    Berg, Kjell
    Stockholms universitet.
    Förändringsarbete inom förvaltningen: en praxis-pedagogisk ansats1991Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 210. Bergh, Johannes
    et al.
    Dahlberg, Stefan
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Saglie, Jo
    Participation in Indigenous Democracy: Voter Turnout in Sami Parliamentary Elections in Norway and Sweden2018Inngår i: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 41, nr 4, s. 263-287Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article compares and analyzes voter turnout in the 2013 elections to the Sami parliaments in Norway and Sweden, using data from voter surveys. Is voting in these elections motivated by the same factors that explain turnout in national parliamentary elections? First, the study showed that a common election day for national and Sami elections is an important reason for the higher turnout in Norway. Second, involvement in Sami society was the most important factor for explaining turnout in both countries. General political resources and motivation had some explanatory power in Norway, but not in Sweden. This possibly reflects a more far-reaching difference between Sami politics in Norway and Sweden. In Norway, the Sami electorate seems to be more politically integrated in the national polity, and the institutional ties between Sami and national politics are stronger. This may be explained in part by the historical legacy of each state's policy.

  • 211.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Civil society and democracy2004Inngår i: Democracy, labour and politics in Africa and Asia: essays in honour of Bjorn Beckman / [ed] Gavin Williams, Kano, Nigeria: Centre for Research and Documentation , 2004, s. 27-41Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 212.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Civil society and political protest in India: The case of Coca-Cola in Kerala2017Inngår i: India Review, ISSN 1473-6489, E-ISSN 1557-3036, Vol. 16, nr 3, s. 324-343Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The Indian economic and political systems have recently opened up for increased foreign investments, which has resulted also in new forms of popular resistance. This article analyzes the campaign launched against the Coca-Cola-Company in Plachimada, Kerala, India, which in 2004 resulted in the closure of its bottling factory after accusations of water depletion and pollution. The analysis in the article is based on the theoretical concept “political opportunity” and concludes that the decision to close the plant was the result of an efficiently run popular campaign based on a tightly knit group of local activists, held together by a tribal identity. Vital for the success was also the help the group attracted by national and international civil society support groups and media, as well as the link between both media and civil society towards the political parties and the state.

  • 213.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Civil Society in India: democratic space or extension of elite domination?2009Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 214.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Den liberala demokratins kommunitära praktik1996Inngår i: Liberalismen och den moderna demokratin / [ed] Bo Lindensjö, Ulf Mörkenstam, Jouni Reinikainen, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 1996, s. 76-95Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 215.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Gender Relations and Democracy: The Conflict between Hindu Nationalist and Secular Forces in Indian Civil Society.2009Inngår i: Nationalism & Ethnic Politics, ISSN 1353-7113, E-ISSN 1557-2986, Vol. 15, nr 2, s. 141-159Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The Hindu nationalist movement has for the last decades tried to expand within the Indian civil society, and a part of their strategy has been to increase the support for their views on gender relations. This article focuses on this mobilization and the response to it from the autonomous women’s movement. It is suggested that the Hindu Nationalist groups have a very different view on gender relations compared to the main stream of the Indian women’s movement, and that the mobilization of the Hindutva forces has met with strong resistance. It is further argued that this resistance may contribute to the deepening and widening of the democratic space in India.

  • 216.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Gender, Religion and Transition: The Struggle Against the Hindu nationalist Redefinition of Womanhood2012Inngår i: Comparisons, Quotas and Critical Change: in honour of Drude Dahlerup / [ed] Lenita Freidenvall, Michele Micheletti, Stockholm: Stockholm University, 2012Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 217.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Globalization the Indian Way: the popular struggle against Coca-Cola in Plachimada, Kerala2010Inngår i: IKON Occasional Paper Series, ISSN ISBN: 978-967-5679-02-5, Vol. 3, nr 1, s. 1-15Artikkel i tidsskrift (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 218.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu nationalism and democracy2004Bok (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    Hindu nationalism and Democracy examines the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as one of the dominant forces within Indian politics. The ideology of the party is analyzed as a form of religious nationalism, with possible strains in its relation to the religious minorities of India. The book focuses on the position of the Muslim minority and analyzes the position of the BJP in relation to two issues with major importance within Indian politics: Uniform Civil Code - Shah Bano case and controversy in Ayodhya. Both issues have been studied on a national level and in a local study conducted in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh.

    On a theoretical level the book draws upon the discourse of nationalism theory. It also discusses the position of the BJP on minority versus majority rights in relation to the debate between liberals and communitarians, where the latter is a reaction against the liberal ideal of a neutral state, instead suggesting a political theory based on the specific values and traditions of each community. The party's position in the Shah Bano case and the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi controversy is best described as mono-communitarian, emphasizing Hindu supremacy at the expense of minority rights.

  • 219.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet.
    Hindu nationalism and democracy: a study of the political theory and practice of the Bharatiya Janata Party2000Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 220.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu Nationalism and Gender in the Indian Civil Society2011Inngår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 13, nr 1, s. 83-99Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The Indian women's movement has for the last two decades been engaged in a struggle against an aggressive Hindu nationalism. Based on the idea of Hindu supremacy and a revival of traditional Hindu culture, the Hindu nationalist movement has grown as a political force in an era of rapid modernization and globalization. Met with strong resistance from secular forces, this Hindu nationalist challenge has tried to turn civil society into a battlefield challenging feminist liberal and socialist ideas on gender relations, advocating a definition of gender roles based on a traditional Hindu culture. The theoretical starting point of the article is a form of modified civil society theory in which civil society is analysed as an arena where various social and political forces battle against the State, but also against each other. It is argued in the article that despite their significant political success the Hindu nationalist forces have largely failed to gain any ground within the Indian women's movement and remain relatively isolated.

  • 221.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu Nationalism and the Quest for a Uniform Civil Code2005Inngår i: The Politics of Group Rights: The State and Multiculturalism / [ed] Ishtiaq Ahmed, Lanham: University Press of America , 2005, s. 169-188Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 222.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu Political Thought2011Inngår i: The Encyclopedia of Political Science / [ed] Kurian, George Thomas, Washington D.C.: CQ Press , 2011Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 223.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet. Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    ”Including Women: Strategies of Mobilization within the Hindu nationalist movement”2009Inngår i: India Review, ISSN 1473-6489, E-ISSN 1557-3036, Vol. 8, nr 4, s. 385-403Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 224.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten.
    Introduction2011Inngår i: Power to the People? (Con-)Tested Civil Society in Search of Democracy / [ed] Heidi Moksnes and Mia Melin, Uppsala: Uppsala Centre for Sustainable Development (CSD), Uppsala University , 2011, 1, s. 169-172Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 225.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Media and Nationalism in India: Reflections on the Narendra Modi Government2015Inngår i: Asian Politics & Policy, ISSN 1943-0779, E-ISSN 1943-0787, Vol. 7, nr 3, s. 502-505Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 226.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Politiskt våld inom den hindunationalistiska rörelsen2016Inngår i: Våld i Guds namn: Politisk aktivism inom världsreligionerna / [ed] Bodil Liljefors Persson Nils-Åke Tideman, Föreningen Lärare i religionskunskap (FLR) , 2016Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 227.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Protest and Participation: The Popular Struggle against Coca-Cola at Plachimada (Kerala)2017Inngår i: India's Tryst with Democracy: Changing Contours of Politics, Economy and Society / [ed] Shashikant Pandey, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2017Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 228.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten.
    The Global constitution of religious nationalism: Hindutva and globalization2011Inngår i: Religion, politics and globalization: anthropological approaches / [ed] Galina Lindquist and Don Handelman, New York: Berghahn Books, 2011, 1Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 229.
    Berglund, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Dutta, MondiraHilding, PerStockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen.
    Development and Regional Cooperation in Central Asia and South Asia: Euro-Asian Perspectives2016Collection/Antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This is a output of a two-day international conference held in Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi from March 13-14, 2014. The conference was organised under the aegis of the Centre for Inner Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University in its collaboration with Forum for Asian Studies, Stockholm University, Sweden.

  • 230.
    Berglund, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Helander, Sofia
    The Popular Struggle against Coca-Cola in Plachimada, Kerala2015Inngår i: Journal of Developing Societies, ISSN 0169-796X, E-ISSN 1745-2546, Vol. 31, nr 2, s. 281-303Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article is a case study of the campaign against the Coca-Cola Company in Plachimada, Kerala, India, which was a reaction against alleged environmental damages and water depletion caused by the company's production of soft drinks. It addresses the following questions: How was civil society used as a platform for this struggle and what was the outcome? Did this campaign affect the political participation of its members? The study is based on interviews and surveys of the villagers in Plachimada and connects to theories on social movements and political participation, as well as to the debate on Indian civil society. The findings presented show the importance of having a local, core group in charge of the campaign, while simultaneously making use of existing support groups at the regional, national, and international levels. It also reveals that after reaching its goal, the campaign has resulted in a general increase of political participation amongst its members.

  • 231.
    Berglund, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Kopola, Nelli
    Gender, religion and democracy: the proceedings of a PODSU conference.2003Konferanseproceedings (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 232.
    Berglund, Mattias
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Politik, förvaltning eller mittemellan?: En studie av kommunal metagovernance2014Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 poäng / 30 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Uppsatsen undersöker hur horisontella governancestrukturer påverkar olika mekanismer för metagovernance. Fokus för undersökningen är Eskilstuna kommun som valt att förändra synen på styrning från vertikal till horisontell, från government till governance. Då metagovernance innebär indirekt och informell styrning i pågående processer studerades just en pågående process där tjänstemän under nätverksliknande former skulle utforma en handlingsplan. Uppdraget var initierat från den politiska nivån.

    Undersökningen är uppdelad i två delar. Den första delen är en allmänt inriktad respondentundersökning som handlar om de förändrade strukturerna i organisationen. Den andra delen är en fallstudie som baseras på deltagande observationer samt intervjuer och handlar om förekomsten av metagovernance i en specifik policyprocess.

    Efter undersökningen visade det sig att respondentundersökningen och fallstudien genererade lite olika resultat. Sett till fallstudien hade inte den horisontellt baserade styrningen påverkat förutsättningen för metagovernance och att tjänstemännen i hög grad anteciperar sina politikers viljor samt att rollfördelningen under processen har varit tydlig.

    Den mer allmänt inriktade respondentundersökningen visade däremot att den horisontella strukturen har komplicerat förhållandet mellan politik och förvaltning, gjort rollerna otydligare och att de politiska nämnderna fått en försvagad ställning till förmån för höga tjänstemän och även för kommunstyrelsen.

    Skillnaderna i resultaten förklaras till stor del av egenskaper som rör det specifika fallet som studerats. I och med att metagovernance via antecipering förekom krävdes ingen ytterligare styrning och i och med detta aktualiserades inte heller de problematiska strukturer och rollfördelningar som respondentundersökningen visar på.

  • 233.
    Bergman, Helena
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Historiska institutionen.
    Äktenskap förgår men föräldraskap består: Staten och skilsmässobarnen vid 1900-talets mitt2011Inngår i: Föräldraskapets politik: Från 1900-tal till 2000-tal / [ed] Helena Bergman; Maria Eriksson; Roger Klinth, Stockholm: Dialogos Förlag, 2011, s. 85-107Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 234.
    Bergman, Helena
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Historiska institutionen.
    Maria, Eriksson
    Klinth, Roger
    Föräldraskapets omvandlingar och styrningens omvandlingar2011Inngår i: Föräldraskapets politik: Från 1900-tal till 2000-tal / [ed] Helena Bergman, Maria Eriksson & Roger Klinth, Stockholm: Dialogos Förlag, 2011, s. 7-26Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 235.
    Bergquist, Fanny
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Feministiskt initiativ som kommunpolitik: En studie om kommunpolitikens möjlighetsvillkor2016Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 poäng / 30 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Based upon feminist organized women's experiences of resistance and political acting space, this study investigates what is possible to say and do (and not do), as well as which issues can be politicized (and which cannot) in the Swedish municipal policy. More specifically it analyzes in which spaces women face resistance, who are expressing it, and how it is manifested. Moreover, it discusses which political content that can be formulated, politicized, and implemented in the local political area. It is based on interviews with representatives from the political party Feminist initiative, and builds on previous research on resistance against women's extra-parliamentary political organizing. Previous research has suggested that the organization in itself evokes resistance. Nevertheless, this study shows that it is the political content, rather than the organizing, that arouses resistance. The combination of women who organize themselves as women and runs an anti-racist policy seems to be the most provocative.

    This thesis also shows that it is possible to politicize gender issues – unless they are not labeled as feminist issues. The concept of “gender equality” can be used, but not “feminism”. There are opportunities to talk about equality if it is formulated in terms of gender neutrality and equal treatment. It is possible to talk about gender when it comes to gender equality, but it is not allowed to permeate other policy areas. And concrete policy proposals can be formulated, unless the political discussion is not conducted at a more visionary and ideological level. While there are policies which can be implemented on condition that they are not formulated in feminist terms, there are also policies which could be expressed, but subsequently will not be implemented due to opposition from the administration.    

  • 236. Bergqvist, Christina
    et al.
    Freidenvall, Lenita
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Introduktion till svensk politik2017Inngår i: Politik och kön: feministiska perspektiv på statsvetenskap / [ed] Lenita Freidenvall, Maria Jansson, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2017, s. 89-108Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 237.
    Bergqvist, Erik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten.
    Belöningar och prestationer i offentlig verksamhet: en utvärdering av fyra fall inom Stockholms läns landsting1994Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 238.
    Bergstroem, Carl-Fredrik
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet.
    Farrell, Henry
    Heritier, Adrienne
    Legislate or delegate?: Bargaining over implementation and legislative authority in the EU2007Inngår i: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 30, nr 2, s. 338-366Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explains how actors' ability to bargain successfully in order to advance their institutional preferences has changed over time as a function of the particular institutional context. Actors use their bargaining power under given institutional rules in order to shift the existing balance between legislation and delegation, and shift the rules governing delegation in their favour between formal treaty changes. A collective actor's preferences over delegation is a function of whether the actor has more ability to influence policy through delegation or through legislation. The degree to which a specific actor's preferences can prevail (in a setting in which different actors have different preferences) will depend upon its bargaining power under existing institutional rules, i.e. its ability to impede or veto policy in order to change the division between legislation and delegation and the rules of delegation. The primary focus in this article is on choice over procedure, i.e. the battles over whether or not delegation or legislation should be employed. A secondary focus is on change in procedure. The article examines the evolution of the debate over comitology and implementation over five key periods and scrutinises how actors within these periods have sought to shift the balance of legislation and delegation and the rules of delegation according to their preferences.

  • 239. Bergström, Carl Fredrik
    Comitology: delegation of powers in the European Union and the committee system2003Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 240. Bergström, Maria
    et al.
    Helgesson Svedberg, Karin
    Mörth, Ulrika
    A new role for for-profit actors?: The case of Anti-Money Laundering and Risk Management2011Inngår i: Journal of Common Market Studies, ISSN 0021-9886, E-ISSN 1468-5965, Vol. 49, nr 5Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 241.
    Berndt, Katharina
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mycket prat men lite verkstad: Att förstå det klimatpolitiska ramverket med hjälp avidéer om metagovernance och särkoppling.2018Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 poäng / 30 hpOppgave
  • 242.
    Berntson, Erik
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Psykologiska institutionen.
    Wallin, Linda
    Härenstam, Annika
    Typical situations for managers in the Swedish public sector: cluster analysis of working conditions using the job demands resources model2012Inngår i: International Public Management Journal, ISSN 1096-7494, E-ISSN 1559-3169, Vol. 15, nr 1, s. 100-130Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Managers in many public domains have to meet major challenges today, which is why it is essential to focus on their working conditions in order to develop a sustainable situation. In the present study, the aim was to explore different types of managerial situations and how they discriminate in health, motivation, and performance outcomes. Using the job demands-resources model as a framework, four demands and three resources were included in a cluster analysis in order to answer the research question. In total, 548 managers in Sweden participated, including heads of department, middle managers, firstline managers, team leaders, and functional managers. The most important finding was that the eight clusters of managerial situations that were found discriminated in a distinct way against each other regarding health, motivation, and performance. The results can be used as guidance for organizational intervention as both very satisfactory and very unsatisfactory situations are identified.

  • 243.
    Besseling, Dennis
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. 198809240339.
    The Trade Association Strikes Back: On Lobbyism and Cheaper Dining in Swedish Politics2017Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 poäng / 30 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The understanding of Swedish lobbyism is so far insufficient and misguided. In order to understand Swedish lobbyism better this thesis calls for a shift to theory testing case studies of actors that are capable to lobby in an organized and recurring way. To do this it offers a theoretical framework developed from three established theories of lobbying strategy adjusted for a Swedish context. The purpose of this framework is to chart strategies for how Swedish lobbyists lobby against Members of Parliament (MPs) and if and how these strategies influence MPs’ attitudes towards a policy. The case is the lobbying campaign for a reduced restaurant sales tax from 2000 to 2014 ending with a reduction from 25% to 12%. The study concludes that Swedish lobbyism is built from alliances, trust, perceived seriousity, and public interest, more than actual expertize of a specific topic.

  • 244. Bexell, Magdalena
    et al.
    Mörth, Ulrika
    Democracy and Public-Private Partnerships in Global Governance2010Collection/Antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    There has been a rapid proliferation of public–private partnerships in the areas of human rights, environmental protection and global governance. Consequently, private actors such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and transnational companies have gained increasing authority in both public policy and regulation. Research into the democratic legitimacy of how these arrangements span the public–private divide is still in its infancy. However, this book furthers our understanding of how different forms of legitimacy and accountability interact, and highlights trade-offs between democratic values in partnership operations. It places the partnership trend in the context of broader theoretical discussion and explores a variety of tensions between, for instance, hierarchies and markets, the common good and private profit, and government and governance. In addition, the book presents research into global and national partnerships, particularly with regard to their democratic credentials.

  • 245. Bexell, Magdalena
    et al.
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Uhlin, Anders
    Democracy in Global Governance: The Promises and Pitfalls of Transnational Actors2010Inngår i: Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, ISSN 1075-2846, E-ISSN 1942-6720, Vol. 16, nr 1, s. 81-101Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The participation of transnational actors in global policymaking is increasingly seen as a means to democratize global governance. Drawing on alternative theories of democracy and existing empirical evidence, we assess the promises and pitfalls of this vision. We explore how the structuring and operation of international institutions, public-private partnerships, and transnational actors themselves may facilitate expanded participation and enhanced accountability in global governance. We find considerable support for an optimistic verdict on the democratizing potential of transnational actor involvement, but also identify hurdles in democratic theory and the practice of global governance that motivate a more cautious outlook. In conclusion, we call for research that explores the conditions for democracy in global governance through a combination of normative political theory and positive empirical research.

  • 246.
    Bezci, Egemen
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för Asien-, Mellanöstern- och Turkietstudier, Institutet för Turkietstudier (SUITS).
    Interregnum in Turkey-EU Relations2017Inngår i: Turkeyscope, Vol. 1, nr 7, s. 2-3Artikkel i tidsskrift (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 247.
    Bezci, Egemen
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för Asien-, Mellanöstern- och Turkietstudier, Institutet för Turkietstudier (SUITS).
    Trajectory for Kurds2018Collection/Antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 248.
    Birgersson, Bengt Owe
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Kommunen som serviceproducent.: Kommunal service och serviceattityder i 36 svenska kommuner.1975Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 249. Birgersson, Bengt Owe
    et al.
    Tarschys, DanielStockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Vem håller i rodret: uppsatser1978Collection/Antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 250.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Basic Income2016Inngår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, Oxford University Press, 2016, s. 1-30Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The idea that states should provide a means-tested guaranteed minimum income for citizens who are unable to meet their basic needs is widely shared and has been a central component in the evolution of social citizenship rights in existing welfare states. However, an increasing number of activists and scholars defend the more radical option of establishing a universal basic income, that is, an unconditional income paid to all members of society on an individual basis without any means test or work requirement. Indeed, some political philosophers have argued that basic income is one of the most important reforms in the development of a just and democratic society, comparable to other milestones in the history of citizenship rights, such as universal suffrage or even the abolishment of slavery. Basic income or similar ideas, such as a basic capital or a negative income tax, have been advanced in many versions since the 18th century in different parts of the world and under a great variety of names. However, while these were previously often isolated and disconnected initiatives, basic income has more recently become the object of an increasingly cumulative research effort to shed light on the many aspects of this idea. It has also inspired policy developments and given rise to experiments and pilot projects in several countries.

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