Ändra sökning
Avgränsa sökresultatet
2345678 201 - 250 av 1758
RefereraExporteraLänk till träfflistan
Permanent länk
Referera
Referensformat
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Annat format
Fler format
Språk
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Annat språk
Fler språk
Utmatningsformat
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Träffar per sida
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sortering
  • Standard (Relevans)
  • Författare A-Ö
  • Författare Ö-A
  • Titel A-Ö
  • Titel Ö-A
  • Publikationstyp A-Ö
  • Publikationstyp Ö-A
  • Äldst först
  • Nyast först
  • Skapad (Äldst först)
  • Skapad (Nyast först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Äldst först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Nyast först)
  • Disputationsdatum (tidigaste först)
  • Disputationsdatum (senaste först)
  • Standard (Relevans)
  • Författare A-Ö
  • Författare Ö-A
  • Titel A-Ö
  • Titel Ö-A
  • Publikationstyp A-Ö
  • Publikationstyp Ö-A
  • Äldst först
  • Nyast först
  • Skapad (Äldst först)
  • Skapad (Nyast först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Äldst först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Nyast först)
  • Disputationsdatum (tidigaste först)
  • Disputationsdatum (senaste först)
Markera
Maxantalet träffar du kan exportera från sökgränssnittet är 250. Vid större uttag använd dig av utsökningar.
  • 201. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Knüpfer, Curd B.
    The democratic interface: technology, political organization, and diverging patterns of electoral representation2018Ingår i: Information, Communication and Society, ISSN 1369-118X, E-ISSN 1468-4462, Vol. 21, nr 11, s. 1655-1680Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Democracies are experiencing historic disruptions affecting how people engage with core institutions such as the press, civil society organizations, parties, and elections. These processes of citizen interaction with institutions operate as a democratic interface shaping self-government and the quality of public life. The electoral dimension of the interface is important, as its operation can affect all others. This analysis explores a growing left-right imbalance in the electoral connection between citizens, parties, elections, and government. This imbalance is due, in part, to divergent left-right preferences for political engagement, organization, and communication. Support on the right for clearer social rules and simpler moral, racial and nationalist agendas are compatible with hierarchical, leader-centered party organizations that compete more effectively in elections. Parties on the left currently face greater challenges engaging citizens due to the popular meta-ideology of diversity and inclusiveness and demands for direct or deliberative democracy. What we term connective parties are developing technologies to perform core organizational functions, and some have achieved electoral success. However, when connective parties on the left try to develop shared authority processes, online and offline, they face significant challenges competing with more conventionally organized parties on the right.

  • 202. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Walker, Shawn
    Organization in the crowd: peer production in large-scale networked protests2014Ingår i: Information, Communication and Society, ISSN 1369-118X, E-ISSN 1468-4462, Vol. 17, nr 2, s. 232-260Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    How is crowd organization produced? How are crowd-enabled networks activated, structured, and maintained in the absence of recognized leaders, common goals, or conventional organization, issue framing, and action coordination? We develop an analytical framework for examining the organizational processes of crowd-enabled connective action such as was found in the Arab Spring, the 15-M in Spain, and Occupy Wall Street. The analysis points to three elemental modes of peer production that operate together to create organization in crowds: the production, curation, and dynamic integration of various types of information content and other resources that become distributed and utilized across the crowd. Whereas other peer-production communities such as open-source software developers or Wikipedia typically evolve more highly structured participation environments, crowds create organization through packaging these elemental peer-production mechanisms to achieve various kinds of work. The workings of these production packages' are illustrated with a theory-driven analysis of Twitter data from the 2011-2012 US Occupy movement, using an archive of some 60 million tweets. This analysis shows how the Occupy crowd produced various organizational routines, and how the different production mechanisms were nested in each other to create relatively complex organizational results.

  • 203. Bennett, W. Lance
    et al.
    Segerberg, Alexandra
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Yang, Yunkang
    The Strength of Peripheral Networks: Negotiating Attention and Meaning in Complex Media Ecologies2018Ingår i: Journal of Communication, ISSN 0021-9916, E-ISSN 1460-2466, Vol. 68, nr 4, s. 659-684Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Networked content flows that focus or fragment public attention are key communication processes in multimedia ecologies. Understandings of events may differ widely, as networked attention and framing processes move from core participants to more distant spectator publics. In the case of the Occupy Wall Street protests, peripheral social media networks of public figures and media organizations focused public attention on economic inequality. Although inequality was among many issues discussed by the activists, it was far less central to the protest core than problems with banks or democracy. Results showed how public attention to inequality was constructed through pulling and pushing interpretive frames between the core and periphery of dense communication networks. Various indicators of public attention-such as search trends, Wikipedia article edits, and legacy media coverage-all credited the protests with raising public awareness of inequality, even as attention to problems with banks grew at the protest core.

  • 204.
    Berg, Heléne
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen.
    Dahlberg, Matz
    Vernby, Kåre
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Post-WWI military disarmament and interwar fascism in Sweden2019Ingår i: Historical Methods, ISSN 0161-5440, E-ISSN 1940-1906, Vol. 52, nr 1, s. 37-56Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The emergence of anti-democratic movements is a central puzzle to social science. We study a novel and rich historical dataset covering Swedish municipalities during the interwar years and find a strong link between the presence of a military garrison and the emergence of fascist parties. We interpret these results as suggesting that fascist mobilization in Sweden was driven by discontent with the process of disarmament brought about by democratization. In contrast, poor economic conditions, as captured both by levels of and changes in the local poverty rate and tax base, do not explain the strong link between the fascists and military garrisons. We relate these results to influential theories of democratization.

  • 205. Bergh, Johannes
    et al.
    Dahlberg, Stefan
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Saglie, Jo
    Participation in Indigenous Democracy: Voter Turnout in Sami Parliamentary Elections in Norway and Sweden2018Ingår i: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 41, nr 4, s. 263-287Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article compares and analyzes voter turnout in the 2013 elections to the Sami parliaments in Norway and Sweden, using data from voter surveys. Is voting in these elections motivated by the same factors that explain turnout in national parliamentary elections? First, the study showed that a common election day for national and Sami elections is an important reason for the higher turnout in Norway. Second, involvement in Sami society was the most important factor for explaining turnout in both countries. General political resources and motivation had some explanatory power in Norway, but not in Sweden. This possibly reflects a more far-reaching difference between Sami politics in Norway and Sweden. In Norway, the Sami electorate seems to be more politically integrated in the national polity, and the institutional ties between Sami and national politics are stronger. This may be explained in part by the historical legacy of each state's policy.

  • 206.
    Bergius, Emilia
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Den tillväxtgenererande klimatpolitiken: En diskursteoretisk studie om den svenska klimatpolitikens framtidsvision2017Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Om vi människor inte minskar våra utsläpp av växthusgaser beräknas det kunna få katastrofala följder i framtiden. Sverige beskrivs som ett föregångsland inom det klimatpolitiska området men trots det finns nationella svårigheter med att uppnå de klimatpolitiska målsättningarna. Följande väcker frågor kring hur Sverige planerar att hantera och åtgärda klimatsituationen framöver, varför denna studie undersöker och dekonstruerar det nyframtagna klimatpolitiska ramverket En klimat- och luftvårdsstrategi för Sverige (SOU 2016:47) med hjälp av Ernesto Laclau och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori. Därför undersöker jag vilken/vilka diskurs(er) som förekommer i utredningen, samt vad som legitimeras respektive avlegitimeras i denna/dessa diskursiva konstruktioner. Därutöver studerar jag huruvida det råder diskursiva strider om klimatfrågans meningsinnehåll och klimatpolitikens utformning.

    I resultaten visas att utredningen primärt underbyggs av en dominerande diskurs, inom vilken klimatfrågan artikuleras som en positiv sidovinst, ett offentligt/statligt/politiskt ansvar samt ett problem som kan lösas via forskning och teknisk innovation. Ekonomisk tillväxt, kommunalt engagemang och en nollutsläppsvision är element som ges en central och strukturerande funktion inom diskursen. De lösningar som fortsättningsvis legitimeras är olika former av forskning och tekniska innovationer, hållbar konsumtion/produktion, tillväxt, statligt/offentligt/politiskt ansvarstagande/engagemang och olika former av ekonomiska incitament. Samtidigt avlegitimeras icke-tekniska lösningar, beteendeförändringar hos privatpersoner/hushåll, minskad produktion/konsumtion, ohållbar konsumtion/produktion och utvebliven/minskad tillväxt. Fortsättningsvis antas de idéer som uttrycks i strategin vara förenliga snarare än motstridiga, vilket tyder på att det kan ha skett en hegemonisk intervention.  

  • 207.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Civil society and democracy2004Ingår i: Democracy, labour and politics in Africa and Asia: essays in honour of Bjorn Beckman / [ed] Gavin Williams, Kano, Nigeria: Centre for Research and Documentation , 2004, s. 27-41Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 208.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Civil society and political protest in India: The case of Coca-Cola in Kerala2017Ingår i: India Review, ISSN 1473-6489, E-ISSN 1557-3036, Vol. 16, nr 3, s. 324-343Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The Indian economic and political systems have recently opened up for increased foreign investments, which has resulted also in new forms of popular resistance. This article analyzes the campaign launched against the Coca-Cola-Company in Plachimada, Kerala, India, which in 2004 resulted in the closure of its bottling factory after accusations of water depletion and pollution. The analysis in the article is based on the theoretical concept “political opportunity” and concludes that the decision to close the plant was the result of an efficiently run popular campaign based on a tightly knit group of local activists, held together by a tribal identity. Vital for the success was also the help the group attracted by national and international civil society support groups and media, as well as the link between both media and civil society towards the political parties and the state.

  • 209.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Civil Society in India: democratic space or extension of elite domination?2009Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 210.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Den liberala demokratins kommunitära praktik1996Ingår i: Liberalismen och den moderna demokratin / [ed] Bo Lindensjö, Ulf Mörkenstam, Jouni Reinikainen, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 1996, s. 76-95Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 211.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Gender Relations and Democracy: The Conflict between Hindu Nationalist and Secular Forces in Indian Civil Society.2009Ingår i: Nationalism & Ethnic Politics, ISSN 1353-7113, E-ISSN 1557-2986, Vol. 15, nr 2, s. 141-159Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The Hindu nationalist movement has for the last decades tried to expand within the Indian civil society, and a part of their strategy has been to increase the support for their views on gender relations. This article focuses on this mobilization and the response to it from the autonomous women’s movement. It is suggested that the Hindu Nationalist groups have a very different view on gender relations compared to the main stream of the Indian women’s movement, and that the mobilization of the Hindutva forces has met with strong resistance. It is further argued that this resistance may contribute to the deepening and widening of the democratic space in India.

  • 212.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Gender, Religion and Transition: The Struggle Against the Hindu nationalist Redefinition of Womanhood2012Ingår i: Comparisons, Quotas and Critical Change: in honour of Drude Dahlerup / [ed] Lenita Freidenvall, Michele Micheletti, Stockholm: Stockholm University, 2012Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 213.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Globalization the Indian Way: the popular struggle against Coca-Cola in Plachimada, Kerala2010Ingår i: IKON Occasional Paper Series, ISSN ISBN: 978-967-5679-02-5, Vol. 3, nr 1, s. 1-15Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 214.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu nationalism and democracy2004Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Hindu nationalism and Democracy examines the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as one of the dominant forces within Indian politics. The ideology of the party is analyzed as a form of religious nationalism, with possible strains in its relation to the religious minorities of India. The book focuses on the position of the Muslim minority and analyzes the position of the BJP in relation to two issues with major importance within Indian politics: Uniform Civil Code - Shah Bano case and controversy in Ayodhya. Both issues have been studied on a national level and in a local study conducted in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh.

    On a theoretical level the book draws upon the discourse of nationalism theory. It also discusses the position of the BJP on minority versus majority rights in relation to the debate between liberals and communitarians, where the latter is a reaction against the liberal ideal of a neutral state, instead suggesting a political theory based on the specific values and traditions of each community. The party's position in the Shah Bano case and the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi controversy is best described as mono-communitarian, emphasizing Hindu supremacy at the expense of minority rights.

  • 215.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu Nationalism and Gender in the Indian Civil Society2011Ingår i: International feminist journal of politics, ISSN 1461-6742, E-ISSN 1468-4470, Vol. 13, nr 1, s. 83-99Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The Indian women's movement has for the last two decades been engaged in a struggle against an aggressive Hindu nationalism. Based on the idea of Hindu supremacy and a revival of traditional Hindu culture, the Hindu nationalist movement has grown as a political force in an era of rapid modernization and globalization. Met with strong resistance from secular forces, this Hindu nationalist challenge has tried to turn civil society into a battlefield challenging feminist liberal and socialist ideas on gender relations, advocating a definition of gender roles based on a traditional Hindu culture. The theoretical starting point of the article is a form of modified civil society theory in which civil society is analysed as an arena where various social and political forces battle against the State, but also against each other. It is argued in the article that despite their significant political success the Hindu nationalist forces have largely failed to gain any ground within the Indian women's movement and remain relatively isolated.

  • 216.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu Nationalism and the Quest for a Uniform Civil Code2005Ingår i: The Politics of Group Rights: The State and Multiculturalism / [ed] Ishtiaq Ahmed, Lanham: University Press of America , 2005, s. 169-188Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 217.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu Political Thought2011Ingår i: The Encyclopedia of Political Science / [ed] Kurian, George Thomas, Washington D.C.: CQ Press , 2011Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 218.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet. Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    ”Including Women: Strategies of Mobilization within the Hindu nationalist movement”2009Ingår i: India Review, ISSN 1473-6489, E-ISSN 1557-3036, Vol. 8, nr 4, s. 385-403Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 219.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Media and Nationalism in India: Reflections on the Narendra Modi Government2015Ingår i: Asian Politics & Policy, ISSN 1943-0779, E-ISSN 1943-0787, Vol. 7, nr 3, s. 502-505Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 220.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Politiskt våld inom den hindunationalistiska rörelsen2016Ingår i: Våld i Guds namn: Politisk aktivism inom världsreligionerna / [ed] Bodil Liljefors Persson Nils-Åke Tideman, Föreningen Lärare i religionskunskap (FLR) , 2016Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 221.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Protest and Participation: The Popular Struggle against Coca-Cola at Plachimada (Kerala)2017Ingår i: India's Tryst with Democracy: Changing Contours of Politics, Economy and Society / [ed] Shashikant Pandey, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2017Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 222.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Shah Bano case: cultural nationalism and communitarianism in Indian politics2003Ingår i: Gender, religion and democracy: the proceedings of a PODSU conference / [ed] Henrik Berglund, Nelli Kopola, Stockholm: Politics of Development Group (PODSU), Department of Political Science, Stockholm University , 2003, s. 119-140Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 223.
    Berglund, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Dutta, MondiraHilding, PerStockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen.
    Development and Regional Cooperation in Central Asia and South Asia: Euro-Asian Perspectives2016Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This is a output of a two-day international conference held in Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi from March 13-14, 2014. The conference was organised under the aegis of the Centre for Inner Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University in its collaboration with Forum for Asian Studies, Stockholm University, Sweden.

  • 224.
    Berglund, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Helander, Sofia
    The Popular Struggle against Coca-Cola in Plachimada, Kerala2015Ingår i: Journal of Developing Societies, ISSN 0169-796X, E-ISSN 1745-2546, Vol. 31, nr 2, s. 281-303Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article is a case study of the campaign against the Coca-Cola Company in Plachimada, Kerala, India, which was a reaction against alleged environmental damages and water depletion caused by the company's production of soft drinks. It addresses the following questions: How was civil society used as a platform for this struggle and what was the outcome? Did this campaign affect the political participation of its members? The study is based on interviews and surveys of the villagers in Plachimada and connects to theories on social movements and political participation, as well as to the debate on Indian civil society. The findings presented show the importance of having a local, core group in charge of the campaign, while simultaneously making use of existing support groups at the regional, national, and international levels. It also reveals that after reaching its goal, the campaign has resulted in a general increase of political participation amongst its members.

  • 225.
    Berglund, Henrik
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Kopola, Nelli
    Gender, religion and democracy: the proceedings of a PODSU conference.2003Proceedings (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 226.
    Berglund, Mattias
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Politik, förvaltning eller mittemellan?: En studie av kommunal metagovernance2014Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Uppsatsen undersöker hur horisontella governancestrukturer påverkar olika mekanismer för metagovernance. Fokus för undersökningen är Eskilstuna kommun som valt att förändra synen på styrning från vertikal till horisontell, från government till governance. Då metagovernance innebär indirekt och informell styrning i pågående processer studerades just en pågående process där tjänstemän under nätverksliknande former skulle utforma en handlingsplan. Uppdraget var initierat från den politiska nivån.

    Undersökningen är uppdelad i två delar. Den första delen är en allmänt inriktad respondentundersökning som handlar om de förändrade strukturerna i organisationen. Den andra delen är en fallstudie som baseras på deltagande observationer samt intervjuer och handlar om förekomsten av metagovernance i en specifik policyprocess.

    Efter undersökningen visade det sig att respondentundersökningen och fallstudien genererade lite olika resultat. Sett till fallstudien hade inte den horisontellt baserade styrningen påverkat förutsättningen för metagovernance och att tjänstemännen i hög grad anteciperar sina politikers viljor samt att rollfördelningen under processen har varit tydlig.

    Den mer allmänt inriktade respondentundersökningen visade däremot att den horisontella strukturen har komplicerat förhållandet mellan politik och förvaltning, gjort rollerna otydligare och att de politiska nämnderna fått en försvagad ställning till förmån för höga tjänstemän och även för kommunstyrelsen.

    Skillnaderna i resultaten förklaras till stor del av egenskaper som rör det specifika fallet som studerats. I och med att metagovernance via antecipering förekom krävdes ingen ytterligare styrning och i och med detta aktualiserades inte heller de problematiska strukturer och rollfördelningar som respondentundersökningen visar på.

  • 227.
    Bergman, Helena
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Historiska institutionen.
    Engwall, Kristina
    Gunnarsson-Östling, Ulrika
    Johannesson, Livia
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    What about the Future? The Troubled Relationship between Futures and Feminism2014Ingår i: NORA: Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research, ISSN 0803-8740, E-ISSN 1502-394X, Vol. 22, nr 1, s. 63-69Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This position paper argues that issues related to the future are worth emphasizing and discussing with more feminist fervour and engagement than is now the case within feminist studies and futures studies. It is concluded that feminists cannot just be critical from an outside perspective, but must engage in creating alternative futures. These futures should not be common goals around which to unite, but a way to inspire feminist thinking about different futures. The authors point out the problem that the futures studies field lacks feminist perspectives, and in this position paper they discuss the gap between futures studies and feminism.

  • 228.
    Bergquist, Fanny
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Feministiskt initiativ som kommunpolitik: En studie om kommunpolitikens möjlighetsvillkor2016Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Based upon feminist organized women's experiences of resistance and political acting space, this study investigates what is possible to say and do (and not do), as well as which issues can be politicized (and which cannot) in the Swedish municipal policy. More specifically it analyzes in which spaces women face resistance, who are expressing it, and how it is manifested. Moreover, it discusses which political content that can be formulated, politicized, and implemented in the local political area. It is based on interviews with representatives from the political party Feminist initiative, and builds on previous research on resistance against women's extra-parliamentary political organizing. Previous research has suggested that the organization in itself evokes resistance. Nevertheless, this study shows that it is the political content, rather than the organizing, that arouses resistance. The combination of women who organize themselves as women and runs an anti-racist policy seems to be the most provocative.

    This thesis also shows that it is possible to politicize gender issues – unless they are not labeled as feminist issues. The concept of “gender equality” can be used, but not “feminism”. There are opportunities to talk about equality if it is formulated in terms of gender neutrality and equal treatment. It is possible to talk about gender when it comes to gender equality, but it is not allowed to permeate other policy areas. And concrete policy proposals can be formulated, unless the political discussion is not conducted at a more visionary and ideological level. While there are policies which can be implemented on condition that they are not formulated in feminist terms, there are also policies which could be expressed, but subsequently will not be implemented due to opposition from the administration.    

  • 229. Bergqvist, Christina
    et al.
    Freidenvall, Lenita
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Introduktion till svensk politik2017Ingår i: Politik och kön: feministiska perspektiv på statsvetenskap / [ed] Lenita Freidenvall, Maria Jansson, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2017, s. 89-108Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 230. Bergqvist, Christina
    et al.
    Olsson Blandy, Tanja
    Sainsbury, Diane
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Swedish State Feminism: Continuity and Change2007Ingår i: Changing State Feminism, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, UK , 2007, s. 224-245Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 231.
    Bergström, Göran
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Ekström, Linda
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Centrum för de samhällsvetenskapliga ämnenas didaktik (CeSam).
    "Att lyssna på lärarna" - en metodologisk utmaning2015Ingår i: Nordidactica: Journal of Humanities and Social Science Education, ISSN 2000-9879, nr 1, s. 120-144Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Teacher education today is expected to strongly focus on pedagogical content knowledge. This means, among other things, increased attention to practice. However, how practice is to be analyzed and for what purpose practice is analyzed is still up for debate. In this article we turn to the growing field of civics didactics to shed light on these questions. The analysis is based on a qualitative content analysis of twelve Swedish dissertations in civics didactics. Our findings suggest that the field of civics didactics has contributed with important suggestions on how practice and academic knowledge may enrich each other. However, we also find that the ways that practice has been analyzed are characterized by methodological challenges. To overcome these, and to contribute to the civics didactics research and future independent research projects within the teacher education, we call for a broader research agenda. This means a stronger focus on methodological questions, on other kinds of research projects and on developing the practice of teaching, rather than solely describing it.

  • 232.
    Bergström, Göran
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Ekström, Linda
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Centrum för de samhällsvetenskapliga ämnenas didaktik (CeSam).
    Mellan ämne och didaktik – om ämnesteorins roll inom samhällskunskapsdidaktiken2015Ingår i: Nordidactica: Journal of Humanities and Social Science Education, ISSN 2000-9879, nr 1, s. 93-119Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Pedagogical content knowledge is generally understood as a "bridge" between content and pedagogy, and therefore assumed to be theoretically informed by theories on both the content knowledge in question, and on general pedagogical knowledge. In this article we analyze whether this bridge exists in eleven Swedish civic didactics dissertations. This is done by developing a typology of how theory is used in relation to research problems and analytical frameworks. Our findings suggest that theories on content knowledge are downplayed in favor of pedagogical theories. We argue the need for strengthening the pillar of content knowledge, benefitting both research and teaching.

  • 233.
    Bergström, Göran
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Svärd, Per-Anders
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Idé- och ideologianalys2018Ingår i: Textens mening och makt: metodbok i samhällsvetenskaplig text- och diskursanalys / [ed] Kristina Boréus, Göran Bergström, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2018, 4, s. 125-168Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 234.
    Berndt, Katharina
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mycket prat men lite verkstad: Att förstå det klimatpolitiska ramverket med hjälp avidéer om metagovernance och särkoppling.2018Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 235.
    Besseling, Dennis
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. 198809240339.
    The Trade Association Strikes Back: On Lobbyism and Cheaper Dining in Swedish Politics2017Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The understanding of Swedish lobbyism is so far insufficient and misguided. In order to understand Swedish lobbyism better this thesis calls for a shift to theory testing case studies of actors that are capable to lobby in an organized and recurring way. To do this it offers a theoretical framework developed from three established theories of lobbying strategy adjusted for a Swedish context. The purpose of this framework is to chart strategies for how Swedish lobbyists lobby against Members of Parliament (MPs) and if and how these strategies influence MPs’ attitudes towards a policy. The case is the lobbying campaign for a reduced restaurant sales tax from 2000 to 2014 ending with a reduction from 25% to 12%. The study concludes that Swedish lobbyism is built from alliances, trust, perceived seriousity, and public interest, more than actual expertize of a specific topic.

  • 236. Bexell, Magdalena
    et al.
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Uhlin, Anders
    Democracy in Global Governance: The Promises and Pitfalls of Transnational Actors2010Ingår i: Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, ISSN 1075-2846, E-ISSN 1942-6720, Vol. 16, nr 1, s. 81-101Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The participation of transnational actors in global policymaking is increasingly seen as a means to democratize global governance. Drawing on alternative theories of democracy and existing empirical evidence, we assess the promises and pitfalls of this vision. We explore how the structuring and operation of international institutions, public-private partnerships, and transnational actors themselves may facilitate expanded participation and enhanced accountability in global governance. We find considerable support for an optimistic verdict on the democratizing potential of transnational actor involvement, but also identify hurdles in democratic theory and the practice of global governance that motivate a more cautious outlook. In conclusion, we call for research that explores the conditions for democracy in global governance through a combination of normative political theory and positive empirical research.

  • 237.
    Birgersson, Bengt Owe
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Kommunen som serviceproducent.: Kommunal service och serviceattityder i 36 svenska kommuner.1975Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 238. Birgersson, Bengt Owe
    et al.
    Tarschys, DanielStockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Vem håller i rodret: uppsatser1978Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 239.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Arbete, frihet och den generella välfärdsstaten2008Ingår i: Tvärsnitt, nr 3Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 240.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Basic Income2016Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, Oxford University Press, 2016, s. 1-30Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The idea that states should provide a means-tested guaranteed minimum income for citizens who are unable to meet their basic needs is widely shared and has been a central component in the evolution of social citizenship rights in existing welfare states. However, an increasing number of activists and scholars defend the more radical option of establishing a universal basic income, that is, an unconditional income paid to all members of society on an individual basis without any means test or work requirement. Indeed, some political philosophers have argued that basic income is one of the most important reforms in the development of a just and democratic society, comparable to other milestones in the history of citizenship rights, such as universal suffrage or even the abolishment of slavery. Basic income or similar ideas, such as a basic capital or a negative income tax, have been advanced in many versions since the 18th century in different parts of the world and under a great variety of names. However, while these were previously often isolated and disconnected initiatives, basic income has more recently become the object of an increasingly cumulative research effort to shed light on the many aspects of this idea. It has also inspired policy developments and given rise to experiments and pilot projects in several countries.

  • 241.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Basic Income Reconsidered: Social Justice, Liberalism, and the Demands of Equality2012 (uppl. 1)Bok (Refereegranskat)
  • 242.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Stockholms universitet, Naturvetenskapliga fakulteten, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    Basinkomst - ett instrument för rättvisa och hållbarhet?2013Ingår i: Ekonomisk Debatt, ISSN 0345-2646, Vol. 41, nr 6, s. 17-27Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 243.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Stockholms universitet.
    Book review of Colin Farrelly’s Justice, Democracy and Reasonable Agreement2009Ingår i: Mind (Print), ISSN 0026-4423, E-ISSN 1460-2113, Vol. 118, nr 471, s. 827-830Artikel, recension (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 244.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Stockholms universitet, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    Environmental co-governance, legitimacy, and the quest for compliance: When and why is stakeholder participation desirable?2016Ingår i: Journal of Environmental Policy and Planning, ISSN 1523-908X, E-ISSN 1522-7200, Vol. 18, nr 3, s. 306-323Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Deliberative forms of stakeholder participation have been widely embraced as a key measure for addressing legitimacy deficits and non-compliance in environmental governance. However, the great significance of such collaborative structures for state-stakeholder interaction is much too often accepted uncritically as an established truth in the environmental policy discourse. Building on examples from the literature on fisheries co-governance, this article constructs a conceptual and normative framework for interpreting and assessing such views about co-governance, legitimacy and compliance. Analysing central claims in this discourse in relation to different concepts and standards of legitimacy helps us identify and distinguish many powerful reasons to welcome co-governance. However, the article defends the need to do so cautiously and reflectively. It is conceptually misleading to suggest that more intense forms of co-governance will generally improve the overall level of social legitimacy and, thereby, compliance rates among stakeholders. Furthermore, it is argued that the democratic value of co-governance is not fundamental. The democratic desirability of such arrangements should be primarily assessed on instrumental-pragmatic grounds, focusing on their capacity to serve the wider ideals of equal citizenship and public reason.

  • 245.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Introduction: Basic Income, Sustainability and Post-Productivism2010Ingår i: Basic Income Studies, ISSN 1932-0183, Vol. 4, nr 2, s. Art 3-1-7Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 246.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Just Distribution: Rawlsian Liberalism and the Politics of Basic Income2008Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Should liberal egalitarians endorse the idea of an unconditional basic income for all? This thesis defends a politics of unconditional universalism, offering a liberty-respecting and non-perfectionist basis for maximin-guided policies. The argument starts off from a Rawlsian justification of basic income in the context of institutional ideal theory. This view is based on the aim of maximising the prospects of the least advantaged in ways consistent with a robust protection of people’s effective freedom, the social bases of self-respect and access to meaningful activities at each stage of their lives.

    The thesis then moves on to specify such a position in response to objections based on ideas of fair cooperation and strong reciprocity. Linking John Rawls’ arguments on property-owning democracy to Philippe Van Parijs’ case for ‘gift-equalisation’, the study defends the view that a basic income is not inherently exploitative or beyond the scope of justice. To the extent that unconditional universalism is tied to the idea of sharing gift-like resources, it is just a matter of distributing wealth to which nobody has a justified prior claim, not an unfair redistribution of labour income.

    Introducing a problem of feasibility, however, the thesis also argues that unconditional wealth sharing may fail to meet liberal commitments and to counter structural exploitation unless constrained by other requirements of justice. The latter include a minimal autonomy constraint on maximin-objectives and the set of in kind transfers and social infrastructure needed to foster the activities and virtues on which the stability of this ideal relies. The thesis concludes with a study on the application of such standards to real-world conditions. It is argued that policy options combining a modest basic income with work-based social insurance and universal access to social services are more promising than strategies where a high basic income would replace core components of the welfare state.

  • 247.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Stockholms universitet, Naturvetenskapliga fakulteten, Stockholm Resilience Centre.
    Medborgarlön2013Ingår i: NE.se, Malmö: Nationalencyklopedin , 2013Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 248.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Radical liberalism, Rawls and the welfare state: Justifying the politics of basic income2010Ingår i: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772, Vol. 13, nr 4, s. 495-516Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In response to recent policy trends towards linking social rights more tightly to work requirements, this article argues that those sharing Rawlsian commitments have good reasons to prefer a radical-liberal policy agenda with a universal basic income at its core. Compared to its main rivals in present policy debates, the politics of basic income has greater potential to promote the economic life prospects of the least advantaged in a way that provides a robust protection for the bases of social recognition and non-subservience. The argument seeks to establish that these concerns should be ascribed priority in the most plausible balancing of Rawlsian objectives and that doing so generates a strong case for basic income. As recent arguments for basic income have suggested that Rawls' theory is insufficient to make the case for such a reform, this analysis also demonstrates that a powerful argument for basic income can be built on Rawlsian foundations alone.

  • 249.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Review of Daniel Raventós' Basic Income: The Material Conditions of Freedom2008Ingår i: Basic Income Studies, Vol. 3, nr 2Artikel, recension (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 250.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Review of "Frank Lovett, A General Theory of Domination and Justice"2012Ingår i: Basic Income Studies, ISSN 1932-0183, E-ISSN 1932-0183, Vol. 7, nr 1Artikel, recension (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
2345678 201 - 250 av 1758
RefereraExporteraLänk till träfflistan
Permanent länk
Referera
Referensformat
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Annat format
Fler format
Språk
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Annat språk
Fler språk
Utmatningsformat
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf