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  • 301.
    Jansson, Maria
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Wendt, Maria
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Åse, Cecilia
    Teaching Political Science through Memory Work2009Ingår i: Journal of Political Science Education, ISSN 1551-2169, Vol. 5, nr 3, s. 179-197Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 302.
    Jedenheim-Edling, Magnus
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The compatibility of effective self-ownership and joint world ownership2003Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    The three main conclusions of this doctoral thesis are: first, that effective self-ownership is compatible with joint world ownership; second, that it is incompatible with private ownership as expressed in right-libertarianism; third, that it is incompatible with private ownership as expressed in left-libertarianism. Effective self-ownership is a technical way of expressing personal freedom, and joint world ownership means that the world is owned by everyone in common and that people, therefore, have an equal say as regards its use. Right-libertarianism and left-libertarianism both support private ownership. The difference between them is mainly their respective view on how private property legitimately can be formed. Crudely put, the right-libertarian believes that ownership may be formed through mixing one's labour with the external resources in question, whereas left-libertarianism recognises ownership only if it is initially equally distributed. Furthermore, it is argued that joint world ownership, right-libertarianism, left-libertarianism and the various versions of these exhaust the field, or that these are, at least, the most obvious alternatives to be reckoned with. It may, therefore, also be concluded that if one finds effective self-ownership valuable, one should also adopt joint world ownership. To be able to assess the arguments of this thesis, one obviously needs to know more about ownership. Therefore, this doctoral thesis will also include a thorough analysis of rights and ownership.

    This thesis takes part in and elaborates the traditional debate within political theory: whether personal freedom is compatible with material equality. It is by many believed that they are incompatible. The reason for this is that the measures taken to uphold material equality appear to reduce personal freedom. But if effective self-ownership is a reasonable expression of personal freedom and joint world ownership of material equality, then the thesis advocated here claims that the scepticism of their incompatibility is ill founded and that they, indeed, are compatible.

  • 303.
    Johansson, Andreas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Dissenting Democrats: Nation and Democracy in the Republic of Moldova2011Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The Republic of Moldova was one of fifteen states to emerge from the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With weak historical legacy of statehood, deteriorating economy and serious national divisions, the young state lacked many of the prerequisites deemed necessary for successful democratization. From the very beginning of independence, Moldova became the battleground of Romanianists, propagating for the Romanian character of Moldova’s majority population, and Moldovanists, who viewed the people as a separate nation. In the literature on democracy and democratization, a divided nation is singled out as a serious threat to statehood and democratization efforts alike. Without a nation in place it is generally understood that democracy cannot take root.

    Nevertheless, Moldova in a few years time managed to make considerable progress on its path towards democracy. A main theme of the dissertation is thus the issue of national division and how it has affected political developments in general and democracy in specific. This picture is then further expanded by including close analysis of political support.

    The dissertation contributes to discussions about how nation and democracy goes together in transitional states with no legacy of either of them. The analysis shows that national division in Moldova works on different levels. While political actors often seek support from the electorate according to their positions on the nation, national identity by itself does not suffice to explain differences in political support. Instead other aspects, such as generational values, degree of urbanity and level of education, play a much larger role. Democracy, as a platform where different political ideas and ambitions may form, can both complicate transitions since it provides opportunities for conflicts, but democracy also holds the prospects to find ways to resolve disagreements. In the long run, this carries the seed of consolidation of both democracy and nation alike.

  • 304.
    Johansson, Emil
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Vägen till heltid: Om institutionell förändring i kommunal jämställdhetspolitik2013Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze why or why not Swedish municipalities implement the gender equality policy – ”right to work fulltime”. In order to understand this institutional change, the analysis is based on a theoretical framework consisting of two fields: political representation and feminist institutionalism. The study is divided into two empirical inquiries. The first part is based on a quantitative survey that describes the casual relationship between two independent variables; women´s political representation and party ideology, and the dependent variable; political decision about “right to work fulltime”. The findings are that women´s representation does not explain the existence of political decision. Rather, political ideology has a higher explanatory factor. The second inquiry is divided into two single-case studies; Nynäshamn, a municipality that has implemented the policy, and Eskilstuna, that failed the implementation process. Four theoretical concepts are developed and one analytical model is used to understand institutional change in these cases. The study concludes that in order to understand the implementation process in these municipalities, local and contextual institutions must be emphasized; both formal and informal institutions need to be in favor for the agents promoting change. However, to fully understand these processes, focus should be directed towards the ways in which gendered power relations shape the construction of new institutions.

  • 305. Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Explaining Chief Executive Empowerment: EU Summitry and Domestic Institutional Change2010Ingår i: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 33, nr 2, s. 208-236Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article questions the claim that the way German governments have responded to Muslim demands for accommodating Islam fits a German national model. The empirical focus is on Islamic religious instruction in five German Lander. The evidence presented shows that there is not one but several German models. Lander with Christian Democratic dominance were more supportive of confessional religious instruction than Lander where the left was stronger. At the same time Christian Democrats initially were more reluctant to extend the privilege of religious instruction to Muslim groups. In Lander where Article 7 III of the German constitution applied, corporatist hurdles were an obstacle for Muslim groups, but this was less the case in Berlin. Religion-state institutions are important for understanding how European countries have dealt with the growing presence of Islam, but it is equally important to understand the politically contested nature of these institutions.

  • 306.
    Jonsson, Clapton
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    How post-electoral intraparty rank affects party unity in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies2017Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Within the fields of electoral studies and legislative politics, the interest of this study is the Brazilian electoral system and the unity of the parties it produces. Specifically, I ask how post-electoral intraparty rank affects party unity. I determine post-electoral intraparty rank by comparing deputies’ vote share of the total national vote count. By compiling a database of 48 roll-call votes of 37 Federal Deputies from São Paulo, I compare how often the deputies toe the party line to their vote share. I also test for the geographical concentration of votes in cases where I find it relevant. My hypothesis is that deputies elected with a low vote share will vote according to their party’s recommendation to a larger degree than those deputies with a strong electoral base. I find that, based only on roll-call vote analysis, the complete sample does not demonstrate a strong relationship between voting agreement and vote share (or post-electoral rank). However, by analyzing significant cases individually, I do find a basis for my hypothesis, as well as indicators of theoretical consistency in the sample. The basis is for the most part strengthened when controlling for vote concentration. I conclude that deputies whose largest electoral base is centered in cities seem to be more autonomous in their voting, most likely for ideological reasons rather than reasons motivated by pork-barrel spending.

  • 307.
    Jonsson, Gabriel
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för orientaliska språk.
    Global Insider: South Korea-Africa Relations2011Ingår i: World Politics ReviewArtikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 308.
    Jonsson, Gabriel
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för orientaliska språk.
    Prospects for Changes of North Korea's political system2011Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 309.
    Jonsson, Gabriel
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för orientaliska språk.
    Prospects for re-opening inter-Korean dialogue2011Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 310. Josefsen, Eva
    et al.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Nilsson, Ragnhild
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Nordic Sámediggis and the Limits to Indigenous Self-Determination2016Ingår i: Gáldu Cála - Journal of Indigenous Peoples Right, ISSN 1504-4270, nr 1, s. 6-46Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    From an international perspective, the popularly elected Sámediggis (Sámi Parliaments), established more than two decades ago in the Nordic countries of Finland, Norway and Sweden, represent unique institutional arrangements to enhance and safeguard indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination. In this article the authors compare the legal basis, status, authority and mandate of the Sámi people’s representative institutions, as well as the actual influence and autonomy of the Sámediggis in relation to the national political institutions in the respective country. The comparison reveals several differences between the institutions and brings to the fore three problems manifesting different ways in which nation-states may delimit indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination: 1) how a popularly elected indigenous parliament that successfully gains political autonomy and influence through participation in national politics and institutions always run the risk of being set aside by the State on matters of conflict (Norway); 2) how the historical legacy of a divide and rule government policy may justify a continued paternalistic state politics by perpetuating power relations within the indigenous community (Sweden); and 3) how conflicts between an indigenous people and the State in which they live concerning the right to define the people may delimit the right to self-determination and further conflicts between groups claiming indigenous status (Finland). The authors argue in their concluding remarks that these kinds of indigenous institutions may be a way to increase political autonomy and influence, and ultimately a relational form of self-determination within already existing state boundaries. There are, however, several obstacles for the Sámediggis of today to safeguarding Sámi self-determination, including the colonial past, the formal status granted the parliament, and the national policy and implementation of international law. Moreover, the different ways in which the states have handled these obstacles lead the authors to ask if the Sámediggis might best be understood as three distinct ways of institutionalising non-territorial indigenous self-determination; rather than as a unified Nordic model.

  • 311. Kaplan, Oliver
    et al.
    Nussio, Enzo
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Community Counts: The Social Reintegration of Ex-Combatants in Colombia2018Ingår i: Conflict Management and Peace Science, ISSN 0738-8942, E-ISSN 1549-9219, Vol. 35, nr 2, s. 132-153Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    What explains the social reintegration of ex-combatants from armed conflicts? Community-level programs to reintegrate ex-combatants into society are based on the theory that the participation of ex-combatants in their communities can promote reconciliation and minimize recidivism to illegal activities. We evaluate community and security-related opportunities for and constraints on social reintegration using a survey of ex-combatants from Colombia. We find that ex-combatants in more participatory communities tend to have an easier time with social reintegration and feel less of a need to organize among themselves. These findings suggest that to help ex-combatants, reintegration processes should also work to improve the social vibrancy of receptor communities.

  • 312.
    Karlsson, Michael
    Stockholms universitet.
    Partistrategi och utrikespolitik: interna motiveringar och dagspressens agerande i Catalina-affären 1952 och EEC-frågan 1961/621995Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the role of party strategy when political parties are confronted with matters of foreign policy. Is it possible to understand parties' actions as taken to maximize their electoral support, to maximize their parliamentary influence or to promote unity within the party? The role of party strategy is examined through two case studies: the Catalina-affair of 1952 concerning Sweden's reaction after the Soviet Union had shot down two Swedish aircraft over the Baltic.: and the EEC question of 1961/62 concerning the stand Sweden should take towards the EEC after Great Britain and Denmark had both decided to apply for membership.

    Six hypotheses are presented as to what the relationship between party strategy and party action can be expected to be. It is assumed that party strategy plays a very minor role in times of international tension and in matters which concern diplomatic security policy, whereas its role is assumed to be greater in matters of foreign trade since these do not directly concern national security. Furthermore, it is assumed that actions motivated by party strategy are more often taken by opposition parties than government parties. Finally, it is assumed that even when party strategy is given freest reign, as in election campaigns, debating activities, image-building and criticism, it is nevertheless restricted in matters of external relations.

    The role of party strategy is examined through the internal motives of the parties and the actions of the daily newspapers. Even though the press may not be directly controlled by the parties, previous studies have shown that there is close agreement between the positions of the press and the parties in Sweden.

    When the results of the two case studies are compared, only one of the expectations is upheld: the nature of the issue is important for party strategy plays a larger role in matters concerning foreign trade than concerning diplomatic security policy. The assumption that the opposition reacts more strategically than the government is supported by the EEC question but not the Catalina-affair. The remaining assumptions receive no support in either of the cases. Both cases also show that the parties attempted to draw advantage, as far as domestic policy was concerned, from matters of foreign policy even though the positions they held were adopted for reasons other than party strategy.

  • 313.
    Kettis, Magdalena
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Challenge of Political Risk: Exploring the political risk management of Swedsih multinational corporations2004Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In an overarching aim to bridge the gap between political science and international business studies, this study explores how, against the backgrond of globalization, multinational coprorations understand and deal with the influence of many differet and sometimes very dynamic political environments, by focusing on the political risk management of a number of Swedish multinational corporations invoved in foreign investing. Based on interviewswith coproate executives in these corporations, this qualitative study found that Swedish invetsors use a "pragmatic" approach toeards political risk and the political envrionments in which they operate. The study also drwas attention to teh role of multinational corporations in teh formation of politica risk as teh result of corporate politiacl activity and the possibility that multinational corporations are moving towards a more pronounced political role.It is suggetsed that political risk needs to be considered not only in terms of the potential impact of the political environment on firms, but also in terms of teh impact of teh firm on the environment, as the political environment cannot be taken as a given, but is the outcome of a process that involves adaption to the environment as well as attempts to change that environment.

  • 314.
    Kilpi, Juha
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Rådne, Jonas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    När Gud började skolan: En morfologisk idéanalys av Skolverkets styrdokument och de konfessionella friskolornas praktiska efterlevnad2016Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    De konfessionella friskolorna har de senaste åren varit ett hett diskuterat ämne med omfattande debatter och medial uppmärksamhet som följd. Kritiker har menat att skolorna bedriver en verksamhet som inte är förenlig med de värderingar det är avsett att skolan skall förmedla, medan försvarare har hävdat att skolorna är nödvändiga för att uppfylla kravet på religionsfrihet.

    Denna studie undersöker om och på vilket sätt de konfessionella friskolorna kan sägas svara mot de krav som ställs på dem utifrån de centrala styrdokumenten. Detta görs genom en idéanalys och kategorisering av de centrala styrdokumenten vilket resulterade i dimensionerna jämställdhet, funktion och kunskapssyn som särskilt viktiga pelare i skolans arbete. Detta kopplas sedan till en systematisk morfologisk analys av samtliga konfessionella skolors senaste tillsynsärende och samtliga anmälningar dessa skolor fått emot sig mellan 2013 och 2016.

    Studiens resultat visar att även om det finns flera områden där de konfessionella skolorna kan anses sköta sin verksamhet helt i linje med de centrala styrdokumenten så finns det också flera områden, särskilt inom jämställdhet, identitet, innehåll samt verklighetsorientering där de uppvisar allvarliga brister. Vidare bidrar studien med en analysmetod som framgångsrikt kan appliceras inom studiet av ideologiska värdekonflikter.

  • 315.
    Kjellman Wall, Maria
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    "Var håller föräldrarna hus?": En diskursanalytisk studie gällande föräldraskapande och klass i medierapporteringen under Husbykravallerna 20132017Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines how the discursive construction of parenthood in the news media, during the Husby riots of 2013, was affected by social and economical class. News media contributes to shape our perception of reality, our norms and ideals, and what issues that is to be considered important. The family and the effect of child rearing as a process of shaping children into becoming political subjects has been of interest for political science during a long period of time. Previous research shows that social and economical class has a significant effect on norms, ideals and expectations regarding parenthood and child rearing. It is therefore important to study the representation of class in association to parenthood in the news media. Extraordinary events, such as the Husby riots, generate a vast amount of media attention and material. Also, the riots took place in a neighborhood with low socio-economic standard. I have therefore conducted a Foucauldian discourse analysis on a news material consisting of 46 articles and editorials from four of Sweden's biggest news papers: Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen and Svenska Dagbladet, in order to analyze how and which subject positions are established, which characteristics they are assigned and how the construction of parenthood is dependent on social and economical class.The results show that the most common subject positions consists of the police, working class youngsters participating in the riots, children as victims of the riots and working class parents. Language and education is given a prominent part in the discourse, both as an explanation to why the riots broke out in the first place and as a solution to how such social unrest can be avoided in the future. Social and economic class is not mentioned explicitly but is an important implicit discursive construction in the portrayal of parents and children. I therefore conclude that social class and language greatly affected the portrayal and representation of parenthood and child rearing during the Husby Riots of 2013.

  • 316.
    Kjær, Peter
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The constitution of enterprise: an institutional history of inter-firm relations in Swedish furniture manufacturing1996Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 317.
    Klason, Lars-Erik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Kommunalförbund och demokrati: En studie av kommunikationsprocessen i kommunalförbund1974Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 318.
    Ko-Chih Tung, Roger
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Exit-Voice Catastrophes: Dilemma between Migration and Participation1981Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 319.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Peace by external withdrawal2017Ingår i: Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is. How it came about. Will it last? / [ed] Elin Bjarnegård, Joakim Kreutz, Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2017Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 320.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Introduction: Debating Peace, Debating East Asia2017Ingår i: Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is. How it came about. Will it last? / [ed] Elin Bjarnegård, Joakim Kreutz, Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2017Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 321.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Bjarnegård, Elin
    Eck, Kristine
    Guthrie, Holly
    Melander, Erik
    Svensson, Isak
    Tönnesson, Stein
    The East Asian Peace - Will it last?2017Ingår i: Debating the East Asian Peace: What it is. How it came about. Will it last? / [ed] Elin Bjarnegård, Joakim Kreutz, Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2017Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 322.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Cardenas, Magda
    Women, peace and intervention: how the international community responds to sexual violence in civil conflict2017Ingår i: Canadian Foreign Policy, ISSN 1192-6422, Vol. 23, nr 3, s. 260-276Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    To end sexual violence in civil conflict is often mentioned as motivation and aim for contemporary interventions by the international community. But what types of measures are used for this end? This study identifies two competing logics that motivate different types of measures depending on whether women’s security is viewed as part of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, or as a separate policy field: More Women, More Peace. According to the first, women are viewed as victims and interventions are likely to be punitive in nature, to provide protection and punish perpetrators. The second sees the problem as women’s exclusion from power and lack of agency, and will more likely be followed by measures that promote participation such as mediation and peacekeeping. Following a global analysis of civil conflicts 1989–2009, we find that both the United Nations and regional organizations deploy peacekeepers to conflicts with high prevalence of sexual violence. We also find different patterns of intervention for sexual violence than for other forms of civilian abuse, suggesting limited linkages between the Responsibility to Protect and Women, Peace and Security agendas.

  • 323.
    Kreutz, Joakim
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University.
    Nussio, Enzo
    Center for Security Studies, ETH Zurich.
    Destroying Trust in Government: Effects of a Broken Pact among Colombian Ex-Combatants2019Ingår i: International Studies Quarterly, ISSN 0020-8833, E-ISSN 1468-2478Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Mistrust between conflict parties after civil war is a major hurdle to sustainable peace. However, existing research focuses on elite interactions and has not examined the trust relationship between government and rank-and-file members of armed groups, despite their importance for postconflict stability. We use the unexpected decision of the Colombian government to extradite top-level former paramilitary leaders to the United States in 2008 to identify how a peace deal reversal influences ex-combatants’ trust in government. In theory, they may lose trust for instrumental reasons, if they suffer personal costs, or for normative reasons, if they think the government is failing its commitments. Using quasi-experimental survey evidence, we find that extradition decreases trust substantially among ex-paramilitaries, but not in a comparison group of ex-guerrillas not part of the same peace deal. Even though paramilitaries are seen as particularly opportunistic, our evidence suggests that normative rather than instrumentalist considerations led to trust erosion.

  • 324.
    Kunz, Barbara
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Kind words, cruise missiles and everything in between: A neoclassical realist study of the use of power resources in U.S. policies towards Poland, Ukraine and Belarus 1989–20082010Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This study intends to explain why the United States led entirely different policies towards Poland, Ukraine and Belarus under circumstances where realist theory would predict otherwise. Realism being an “environment based theory”, it would indeed predict a state to lead highly similar foreign policies under identical conditions. Yet, within the overall context of managing unipolarity, the US has clearly led different policies toward these three countries from the demise of the Soviet Union to the end of the second Bush Administration (i.e., in the years 1989 to 2008). In seeking to explain that puzzle, this study follows a path hitherto neglected by neoclassical realist scholarship: a strong emphasis on the bilateral dimension in all foreign policies. Poland, Ukraine and Belarus are friendly, undecided and non-friendly states, respectively, as seen from a Washington perspective. What type of power resources seems appropriate in addressing them is likely to depend on this status. The study subsequently shows that different types of power resources or “base values” underlie the various foreign policy tools employed with respect to the studied countries. For that reason, it argues that perceptions of states’ friend, non-friend or undecided statuses should be considered an element of the missing link neoclassical realists identified between states’ power resources and their foreign policy output.

  • 325.
    Kurtulus, Ersun
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    State sovereignty: the concept, the referent and the ramifications2004Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    State Sovereignty - the Concept, the Phenomenon and the Ramifications is an attempt to clarify the explanatory value and the paradoxes of the concept of state sovereignty on the basis of empirical questions related to the sovereignty of various types of political entities. The book is an endeavour to bridge the gap in the international relations literature between the traditional, unproblematic usage of the concept in empirical statements and the contemporary overly problematic view of this concept, which reduces its utility to disciplinary premises and discursive practices. Adopting a cross-disciplinary perspective, the book argues that state sovereignty is a qualitative and binary - both factually and judicially - phenomenon and that problematic cases and "loss" of sovereignty exist only at the margins of international society.

  • 326.
    Kurunmäki, Jussi
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Different Styles of Parliamentary Democratisation in Finland and Sweden: An Analysis of Two Debates over Parliamentary Reform2008Ingår i: The Parliamentary Style of Politics, The Finnish Political Science Association, Helsinki , 2008Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 327.
    Kurunmäki, Jussi
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Breakthrough of Universal Suffrage in Finland, 1905-19062008Ingår i: The Ashgate Research Companion to the Politics of Democratization in Europe: Concepts and Histories, 2008Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 328.
    Lage Gomez, Pablo
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier, Latinamerika-institutet.
    Participación y empoderamiento: Experiencias del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados de Lanús2009Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [es]

    El Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados (MTD) de Lanús es una organización de la zona sur del Gran Buenos Aires (Argentina), cuyo ámbito de actuación es la localidad de Monte Chingolo. Se caracteriza por su autonomía con respeto a partidos políticos y sindicatos, por su inserción territorial y trabajo de base en los barrios, por el rechazo a las practicas clientelares enraizadas en el conurbano bonaerense, al igual que por modelos de participación y discusión horizontales. Propugnan la necesidad de un cambio social en el que las clases populares son los actores protagonistas del cambio.

    Desde sus orígenes han desarrollado formulas alternativas de organización y un proyecto autogestivo, donde los talleres y micro-emprendimientos autogestionados son su máxima expresión. Este estudio pretende analizar las prácticas colectivas que representan estas experiencias en correlación con procesos de empoderamiento individuales y colectivos.

    Concluimos que la participación en el MTD de Lanús ha fomentado relaciones sociales y vínculos comunitarios. La militancia tiene más herramientas para hacer oír su propia voz, sus demandas y propuestas, y cuentan con mayores recursos para el conocimiento de sus derechos como ciudadanos. Un proceso caracterizado por la dotación de poder de sujetos tradicionalmente excluidos de toda participación social y política.

  • 329.
    Lagerkvist, Johan
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för Asien-, Mellanöstern- och Turkietstudier, Avdelningen för kinesiska.
    The unknown terrain of social protests in China: ‘Exit', ‘Voice', ‘Loyalty', and ‘Shadow’2015Ingår i: Journal of Civil Society, ISSN 1744-8689, E-ISSN 1744-8697, Vol. 11, nr 2, s. 137-153Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    As many as 180,000 social protests may take place in China every year. How should we conceptualize and explain the widespread phenomenon of social protests that take place in a situation where civil society is generally described as contained? An investigation of the Wukan incident, a specific protest that caught worldwide attention in 2011, shed new light on this paradox. The findings theorized in line with Albert Hirschman's concepts of ‘voice', ‘exit', and ‘loyalty’ point to the existence of a fourth strategy and condition, ‘shadow', introduced to better understand the actually existing non-registered groups that operate in the unofficial civic domain.

  • 330.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier.
    Between Interculturalism and Ethnocentrism: Local Government and the Indigenous Movement in Otavalo-Ecuador2010Ingår i: Bulletin of Latin American Research, ISSN 0261-3050, E-ISSN 1470-9856, Vol. 29, nr 4, s. 505-521Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements.

  • 331.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. Latinamerika-institutet.
    Descentralización en América Latina: Venezuela y Bolivia2005Ingår i: Ecuador Debate, ISSN 1012-1498, nr 65, s. 17-Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Una onda de procesos de descentralización ha cruzado el continente latinoamericano desde finales de los 1980. Hoy día los ciudadanos eligen directamente sus líderes políticos locales (y en algunos países también regionales), en comparación con las tradiciones históricas de liderazgo político centralizado. Al mismo tiempo, la descentralización tambíen es una de las demandas y recomendaciones principales de las agencias internacionales de cooperación de desarrollo y de los bancos multilaterales, como vía para reducir la pobreza y combatir la corrupción y la ineficiencia institucional. El artículo enfoca unos aspectos teóricos e históricos de la descentralización, entre otros los principios democratizadores del proceso y sus implicaciones en forma de accesibilidad al Estado y las arenas políticas para actores/grupos sociales y políticos que anteriormente estaban excluidos. Este estudio resume el estado actual del proceso de la descentralización en Bolivia y Venezuela. Teóricamente se usará una aproximación integrada, combinando ideas de opciones racionales con aspectos estructurales y procesales, particularmente las ideas de estructuras de oportunidades políticas. La descentralización está íntimamente conectada a los procesos de democratización y en muchos casos se puede considerar como un tipo de democratización (en el caso de definir la democratización como un aumento en la igualdad política). La legitimidad de una sociedad democrática depende de los eslabones entre grupos de la sociedad civil y el Estado.

  • 332.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier, Latinamerika-institutet.
    Descentralización y populismo: Desafíos teóricos y metodológicos en la investigación sobre las democracias representativas en América Latina2010Ingår i: Provincia. Revista venezolana de estudios territoriales, ISSN 1317-9535, nr 23, s. 33-77Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this research advancement certain theoretical and methodological challenges in social scientific research on Latin America are presented. Through the thematic, conceptual and empirical focal points of decentralization and populism, and departing in the political party systems as the core of representative democracy, different –and at times contradictory- analytical perspectives are presented in order to exemplify the possible assignments in research on the complex Latin American societies. Furthermore, the usefulness of the political opportunity structures theoretical approach is emphasized in the context of political transformations and the perspectives of social movements and political parties. Likewise, the article contributes certain methodological suggestions for scholars dealing with issues of social and political processes in Latin America.

  • 333.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier, Latinamerika-institutet.
    El contexto histórico del chavismo y los partidos políticos venezolanos de la izquierda2008Ingår i: Reflexión Política, ISSN 0124-0781, Vol. 10, nr 19, s. 12-Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    En este artículo se analizan las raíces, así como el desarrollo y la situación actual del Movimiento político alrededor del Presidente venezolano Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (Chavismo) a través de consideraciones históricas sobre los partidos políticos izquierdistas del país. Muchos académicos han ignorado la importancia de conexiones históricas entre, por ejemplo, el Chavismo y los partidos políticos más históricos de la izquierda. Se analizarán aspectos de conflicto y cambio por dentro y fuera del Chavismo en el contexto de la democracia venezolana y los actores políticos de izquierda, tanto los que han estado asociados al movimiento de Chávez, como los de la presente y reciente oposición política. Asimismo, se consideran el carácter personalista del Chavismo y sus posibles implicaciones para el sistema partidista y los partidos políticos individuales.

  • 334.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier, Latinamerika-institutet. Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier.
    Los Indígenas y la Revolución Ciudadana: Rupturas y alianzas en Cotacachi y Otavalo2009Ingår i: Ecuador Debate, nr 77, s. 185-218Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Las victorias de Rafael Correa y su Movimiento PAIS (Patria Altiva y Soberana), en las elecciones presidenciales de 2006 y 2009, han afectado duramente tanto al movimiento indígena ecuatoriano como a sus principales organizaciones. Se analiza el “efecto” Correa en Otavalo y Cotacachi poniendo atención en los actores políticos locales  sus estrategias, alianzas y rupturas organizativas. Los procesos políticos locales tienen su propia dinámica, existen raíces y relaciones históricas entre los diferentes actores sociales y políticos que incluyen antiguos vínculos con la izquierda.

  • 335.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. Latinamerika-institutet.
    Movimiento indígena, participación política y buen gobierno municipal en Ecuador: El Alcalde Mario Conejo de Otavalo2005Ingår i: Ecuador Debate, ISSN 10121498, nr 66, s. 30-Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Ecuador, Otavalo, movimiento indígena, participación popular, descentralización

    good governance, decentralization, popular participation, indigenous movement

  • 336.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. Latinamerika-Institutet.
    ¿Proceso social o actores políticos?: Reflexiones sobre los liderazgos indígenas en Cotacachi y Otavalo2008Ingår i: Procesos sociales y actores políticos: ESCUELA DE GOBIERNO Y POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS, Ibarra, Gobernación de Imbabura, Ministerio de Inclusión económica y social, Ecuador, 2008Konferensbidrag (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 337.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Retorno de los Runakuna: Cotacachi y Otavalo2010 (uppl. 1)Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [es]

    En 1996 el movimiento político Pachakutik –asociado a la confederación indígena CONAIE- participó electoralmente por primera vez y desde entonces el movimiento indígena se ha establecido como una importante fuerza a nivel local, entre otros, en Cotacachi y Otavalo. Estos dos cantones se identifican como la cuna intelectual del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano. En este libro se analiza el proceso político local desde las perspectivas indígenas, principalmente durante el período entre 1996 y 2010. Un enfoque principal está en lo que el autor denomina el dilema intercultural del movimiento indigena, es decir, los desafíos político-electorales asociados a la interculturalidad y las alianzas establecidas más allá de la definición étnica.  Igualmente se problematizan analíticamente las implicaciones de los avances del movimiento político del Presidente Rafael Correa a partir de 2006 dentro del movimiento indígena. Asimismo, se examina el faccionalismo dentro de las organizaciones indígenas en Cotacachi y Otavalo. A través del análisis de las percepciones e interpretaciones por parte de los actores indígenas, se intenta captar la dinámica y las tensiones dentro de esta complejidad al nivel cantonal. Es extremadamente importante ofrecer espacio académico a los protagonistas políticos. Por ende, metodológicamente, se incluye una gran cantidad de entrevistas con los actores. La segunda parte del libro consiste en una selección de 16 conversaciones entre el autor y destacados personajes indígenas, entre otros, los tres alcaldes protagonistas del estudio; Auki Tituaña y Alberto Anrango en Cotacachi, así como Mario Conejo en Otavalo, lo que por sí contribuye a llenar un vacío de documentación académica del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano y la historia política local.

    Rickard Lalander es politólogo, Doctor y Catedrático en Estudios Latinoamericanos, investigador y profesor en las universidades de Helsinki y  Estocolmo. Es investigador asociado de la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Quito. En Ecuador ha colaborado con la FLACSO, el Centro Andino de Acción Popular/CAAP y la Escuela de Gobierno y Políticas Públicas para las Nacionalidades y Pueblos del Ecuador/ESGOPP. Es autor de Suicide of the Elephants? Venezuelan Decentralization between Partyarchy and Chavismo (2004), editor y co-autor de Política y Sociedad en la Venezuela del Chavismo (2006) y ha publicado ampliamente sobre la democracia en los países andinos, inclusive varios artículos sobre el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano.

  • 338.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier, Latinamerika-institutet.
    The Impeachment of Carlos Andrés Pérez and the Collapse of Venezuelan Partyarchy2010Ingår i: Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America: Causes and Outcomes of Executive Instability in Developing Democracies / [ed] Mariana Llanos & Leiv Marsteintredet, New York: Palgrave Macmillan , 2010, s. 129-146Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter outlines the probable causes of the impeachment of Venezuelan president Carlos Andrés Pérez (CAP) in 1993 by examining the role of the political actors involved in the process. Particular emphasis has been placed on the collapse of the dominant two-party system, the AD-COPEI partyarchic model. Partyarchy once guaranteed the Venezuelan political system relative stability, but it also provoked its own demise. It hindered the institutionalization of political accountability between the electorate and political leaders. There was no really effective opposition and the two dominant parties efficiently obstructed access to political society for alternative actors, which resulted in a loss of legitimacy for the system and of credibility for traditional political leaders.

    It is important to look for the deeper causes of presidential breakdowns, impeachments and even political scandals. The presidential breakdown in Venezuela was the result of complex causes. After the oil bonanza years in the 1970s, the economic situation worsened throughout the 1980s, with negative social and political repercussions. From the late 1980s onwards, the hegemonic bipartisan system was undermined and challenged by new political actors, some emerging from the decentralization after 1989. The Caracazo riots of 1989, the two military coup attempts of 1992 and the popular sympathy elicited by the rebels or coup leaders provide evidence of widespread social and political discontent.

    In a continental comparison, the case of Venezuela is not that typical, since the impeachment was not the direct result of a scandal. Corruption charges against CAP in 1993 (the scandal) functioned rather as an emergency exit from the acute regime crisis. The scandal helped the actors who wished to remove CAP and was an excuse to proceed with impeachment, probably much more so than in the cases of presidential breakdowns in Brazil and Paraguay. Further, officially Pérez had strong parliamentary representation, but AD chose not to support the president’s reform policies. President Pérez thus lacked party and grassroots support and suffered from the hostile relationship between the executive power and the ruling party that facilitated the judicial process. The impeachment procedures are reviewed, as some of the political consequences of presidential breakdown.

  • 339.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. Latinamerika-Institutet.
    Venezuela and Latin America in Times of Chavismo2007Ingår i: Venezuela and Latin America in Times of Chavismo: Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Oslo, 21 August, 2007, 2007Konferensbidrag (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 340.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier, Latinamerika-institutet.
    Venezuelan Leftist Parties in the Era of Hugo Chávez2008Ingår i: Stockholm Review of Latin American Studies, ISSN 1654-0204, nr 3, s. 131-142Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article the roots, development and the current situation of the political movement around Venezuelan President Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (Chavismo) are analyzed through historical reconsiderations regarding the main Leftist political parties of the country. Many scholars have tended to neglect important historical connections between, for instance, Chavismo and Venezuelan historical Leftist parties. Conflict and change in and around Chavismo principally from the early 1990´s onwards are factors to be explored in a context of Venezuelan democracy and leftist political actors, both those associated with Chávez and those actors of the present and recent political opposition. Likewise, the personalistic character of Chavismo and its possible implications for the party system and individual parties are considered.

  • 341.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier, Latinamerika-institutet.
    Gustafsson, Maria-Therese
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. Latinamerika-Institutet.
    Movimiento indígena y liderazgo político local en la Sierra ecuatoriana:: ¿Actores políticos o proceso social?2008Ingår i: Provincia: Revista venezolana de estudios territoriales, ISSN 1317-9533, nr 19Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The indigenous movement in Ecuador has combined social mobilization with political institutionalization. The organic relation between the social movement CONAIE and the political party (or movement) Pachakutik has been successful, but also complicated, giving rise to internal conflicts and fragmentation. In this study the relations between Pachakutik and CONAIE are analyzed at the local level in Otavalo and Cotacachi. The authors argue for the importance to analyze the organizational structures locally, since the indigenous movements has been strongest at this level. In Otavalo the ethnic tensions have been clearly manifested through rupture of the mayor, Mario Conejo who left Pachakutik and created a new political movement – Minga Intercultural-. The case of Cotacachi is likewise particular since an alliance is established between the mayor Auki Tituaña and the peasant movement, UNORCAC (with links to the Socialist Party). Drawing on an analytical framework of collective action and decentralization the authors argue that it is impossible to draw an exact line between what is the social and the political movement.

  • 342.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. Latinamerika-Institutet.
    Gustafsson, Maria-Therese
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. Latinamerika-Institutet.
    ¿Proceso social o actores políticos?: Reflexiones sobre Pachakutik y CONAIE desde Imbabura2008Ingår i: Aportes Andinos, nr 21Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    El movimiento indígena ecuatoriano ha combinado movilización social con institucionalización política. La relación orgánica entre el movimiento social –CONAIE- y el partido (o movimiento) político -Pachakutik- ha sido tanto exitosa como complicada, con implicaciones en formas de conflictos internos y fragmentación. En el presente estudio se analizan las relaciones entre Pachakutik y la CONAIE a nivel local: los casos de los cantones Otavalo y Cotacachi. Se argumenta sobre la importancia de analizar las estructuras organizativas a nivel local, ya que es allí donde el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano ha tenido su fortaleza principal. En Otavalo las tensiones de carácter étnico se han manifestado claramente, incluso con la reciente desafiliación del Alcalde Mario Conejo de las filas de Pachakutik y la emergencia de otro movimiento político local –la Minga Intercultural- alrededor del alcalde. El caso de Cotacachi igualmente se presenta contradictorio, ya que allí la alianza principal del Alcalde Auki Tituaña es con una organización campesina indígena fuera de la CONAIE, la UNORCAC (asociada al Partido Socialista Ecuatoriano). Dentro del marco analítico de acción colectiva y la descentralización, los autores arguyen que en la práctica es imposible crear una frontera definitiva entre lo que se debería clasificar como movimiento social y/o político respectivamente.

  • 343. Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Lembke, Magnus
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    Dilemas e desafios na construção do Estado plurinacional: Territorialidade, Indigeneidade e Diálogo Deliberativo Intercultural no Equador2017Ingår i: Revista Movimentaçao, E-ISSN 2358-9205, Vol. 4, nr 6, s. 178-202Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [pt]

    A partir de 2008, com a promulgação de uma nova Constituição, o Equador se tornou formalmente um Estado Plurinacional e Intercultural, resultado de décadas de lutas dos povos indígenas. Desde então, um dos desafios centrais das organizações indígenas trata das visões e modelos para a implementação prática e institucional do Estado Plurinacional. Existem diferentes interpretações e posturas sobre a plurinacionalidade e a interculturalidade dos atores indígenas. Problematizar-se-á como se expressam essas posições internamente, dentro da organização, e como se expressam externamente. Refere-se a este segundo processo externo como o diálogo deliberativo intercultural. O objetivo principal do presente texto é analiticamente problematizar os desafios e dilemas associados ao projeto de Estado Plurinacional a partir da perspectiva dos povos indígenas. Na estrutura teórica se destacam as contribuições sobre democracia deliberativa em sociedades divididas e/ou multiétnicas. A pergunta investigativa principal é: Como se refletem as complexidades do processo de implementação do Estado Plurinacional e Intercultural nos discursos dos atores envolvidos? O projeto plurinacional se inseriu contextualmente em uma relação complexa entre a territorialidade e a autoidentificação étnica. Enfatizamos a centralidade da territorialidade na indigeneidade e como estratégia nos processos organizativos e discursivos das organizações indígenas. Nessas disputas discursivas sobre a territorialidade, diferentes grupos indígenas se posicionam segundo sua relação histórica com a sociedade branco-mestiça. De tal maneira se constroem temporalidades diferentes desde a territorialidade. Metodologicamente, além da leitura crítica da literatura existente sobre o tema central do estudo, a presente investigação tem como base o trabalho etnográfico no Equador no qual se realizaram centenas de entrevistas entre 2001 e 2016 com políticos, intelectuais e porta-vozes das organizações indígenas.

  • 344.
    Lalander, Rickard O.
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Institutionen för spanska, portugisiska och latinamerikastudier. University of Helsinki, Finland.
    Suicide of the Elephants?: Venezuelan Decentralization between Partyarchy and Chavismo2004Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    On the 3rd of December 1989, Venezuelans went to the polls for the first time to directly elect their local and regional political leaders. A process of government decentralization was initiated with direct elections of municipal mayors and regional state governors. Since 1958, the political system had been dominated by two political parties, the social democratic AD (Acción Democrática) and Christian democratic COPEI, both strongly centralized parties. The system of strongly dominant political parties is often referred to as partyarchy, with penetration of organized social and political activities. Notwithstanding, the AD-COPEI partyarchy experienced a relatively rapid process of undermining from 1989, losing control over important mayordomes, governorships and municipal councils. The municipal, regional and national elections of 1998 and 2000 changed the political panorama even more. Several entirely new political parties have emerged. The MVR (Movimiento V República) party of current President Hugo Chávez presents the most dramatic and rapid rise in this context. But similarly, other parties associated with decentralization have achieved increased political influence.Theoretically, a combination of actors rational choice, and, more process-structural approaches, helps to theoretically understand the political transformations related to decentralization and its implications for the party system. The study demonstrates that the party system and political decentralization are Intimately connected and dependent of each other. This study describes and analyzes the "encounter" between the Venezuelan party system and the decentralization reform.

  • 345.
    Landelius, Torsten
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Workers, Employers and Governments: A Comparative Study of Delegations and Groups at the International Labour Conference 1919-19641965Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 346.
    Lantto, Johan
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Konflikt eller samförstånd?: Management och marknadsreformers konsekvenser för den kommunala demokratin2005Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The question under investigation in this dissertation is whether the management- and market-oriented reforms of public institutions in Sweden of the 1980s and 1990s have affected municipal politics in the direction of more or less conflict. The analysis takes its point of departure from Arend Lijphart’s model of majoritarian versus consensus democracy. Majoritarian democracy refers to a form of democracy in which the central role of electing decision-makers and holding them accountable is emphasized. Majoritarian democracy therefore underlines the importance of conflict in politics. Consensus democracy refers to a form of democracy in which the importance of representing the preferences of political minorities, not only those of the majority, is emphasized. Consensus democracy therefore underlines the concern for consensus between political actors. In this study, four municipalities with different political majorities and reform ambitions within the county of Stockholm were chosen for comparative analysis .

    The study shows that the reforms in all likelihood have affected the political work in a more majoritarian direction. This applies in particular to the efforts of introducing new forms of management. The political relations have become more conflict-oriented and more coordinated or centralized within each political party and between the parties of a leftist and rightist orientation respectively. The political relations within the municipal committees have also become more conflict oriented, primarily by a more public and pronounced expression of divergent views.

    These results clearly strengthens the argument in Swedish debate that municipal politics is increasingly becoming more similar to national politics, where it is only the political parties in parliamentary majority that governs public administration. The results of this investigation therefore have implications on the organization of municipal politics in Sweden, as it is currently based on a more consensual form of democracy.

  • 347.
    Larsson, Torbjörn
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Det svenska statsskicket1994Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna bok ger en grundläggande översikt över det svenska statsskickets uppbyggnad och funktion. Framställningen är uppbyggd kring tre teman. För det första görs i varje kapitel en kritisk granskning av hur den svenska demokratin i teorin är tänkt att fungera och hur den i praktiken utövas. För det andra anläggs genomgående ett historiskt perspektiv för att öka förståelsen för det svenska statsskickets nuvarande utformning och särdrag.

  • 348.
    Larsson, Torbjörn
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Governing Sweden: A reader for civil servants about the organization and function of the public administration in Sweden1995Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 349.
    Larsson, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Nomden, KoenPetiteville, Franck
    The Intermediate level of Government: Complexity versus Democracy1999Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 350.
    Lawrence, Rebecca
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Indigenous Self-determination through a Government Agency? The Impossible Task of the Swedish Sámediggi2016Ingår i: International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, ISSN 1385-4879, Vol. 23, nr 1, s. 105-127Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The last two decades have witnessed a growing global acknowledgement of indigenous rights, for instance manifested in the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Nordic countries have all responded to the rights claims of the indigenous Sámi people by establishing popularly elected Sámediggis (Sámi Parliaments) to serve as their representative bodies. Internationally, the Sámediggis are often referred to as ‘models’ for indigenous self-governance and participation. Using in-depth interviews with politicians and civil servants, this article provides the first empirical study of the daily work of the Swedish Sámediggi, with a specific focus on its institutional design as a government agency with dual roles: as an administrative authority under the Swedish government and as a popularly elected representative body of the Sámi people. We examine how these dual roles affect the work of the Sámediggi and if the Swedish Sámediggi safeguards the Sámi right to self-determination.

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