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  • 51.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Civil Society and Alliance Politics2001In: Civil Society and Authoritarianism in the Third World, Stockholm: PODSU , 2001Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 52.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Explaining Democratization: Notes of the Concept of the Civil Society1997In: Civil Society, Democracy and the Muslim World, Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul , 1997Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 53.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Interest groups and the construction of democratic space1997In: Expanding democratic space in Nigeria / [ed] Jibrin Ibrahim, Dakar: CODESRIA , 1997Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 54.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The liberation of civil society: neo-liberal ideology and political theory in an african context1998In: People's rights: social movements and the state in the third world / [ed] Manoranjan Mohanty, Partha Nath Mukherji, Olle Törnquist, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1998, p. 45-62Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 55.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The politics of labour and adjustment: the experience of the Nigeria labour congress1995In: Between liberalisation and oppression: the politics of structural adjustment in Africa / [ed] Thandika Mkandawire, Adebayo O. Olukoshi, Dakar: CODESRIA , 1995, p. 281-323Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 56.
    Beckman, Björn
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Whose civil society?: trade unions and capacity building in the Nigerian textile industry2001In: Labour regimes and liberalization: the restructuring of state-society relations in Africa / [ed] Björn Beckman, Lloyd M. Sachikonye, Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications , 2001, p. 72-89Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 57.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Jega, Attahiru
    Scholars and democratic politics in Nigeria1994In: Knowledge and development: proceedings of the NFU annual conference 1994 / [ed] Inge Amundsen, Tromsø: University of Tromsø. Center for environment and development studies (SEMUT) , 1994Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 58.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Lukman, Salihu
    The failure of Nigeria's Labour Party2010In: Trade Unions and Party Politics: Labour movements in Africa / [ed] Björn Beckman, Sakhela Buhlungu and Lloyd Sachikonye, Cape Town: HSRC Press , 2010, p. 59-84Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Why attempts by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) to create a political party failed  and why leading members of the NLC  decided to join other parties than their own when contesting elections

  • 59.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Sachikonye, LLoyd M.
    Labour regimes and liberalization: the restructuring of state-society relations in Africa.2001Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 60.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Ya'u, Y. Z.
    Organising for Democracy: Nigerian and Comparative Experiences2012Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 61.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    All makt åt folket: Om en bortglömd idé2021Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Från höger och vänster framträder just nu rörelser i Sverige och i många andra länder som anser sig tala för folket. Att all politisk makt utgår från folket kallas med ett hävdvunnet uttryck för folksuveränitet och är den självklara utgångspunkten i en demokrati. Men vilka är ”folket” i folkstyret?

    En förvirrande situation har uppstått där föreställningen om det suveräna folket underblåser kritiken mot demokratins, folkstyrets, organisering. Så hur kan och bör vi förstå demokratins löfte om att makten utgår från folket?

    All makt åt folket ger läsaren ögonöppnande perspektiv och redskap till ett kritiskt – och självkritiskt – granskande av demokratins mest grundläggande princip.

  • 62.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Climate Change Duties and the Human Right to Democracy2015In: The Ethics of Climate Governance / [ed] Aaron Maltais and Catriona McKinnon, London: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2015Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 63.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    De 'kunnige' och 'erfarne' statsråden? Demokratin och kravet på politisk kompetens2010In: Regeringsmakten i Sverige: ett experiment i parlamentarism 1917-2009 / [ed] Jörgen Hermansson, Stockholm: SNS , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 64.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Deciding the demos: three conceptions of democratic legitimacy2019In: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772, Vol. 22, no 4, p. 412-431Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The prevailing view is that democratic procedures are unable to confer democratic legitimacy to decisions about democratic procedures. This paper examines this claim in detail and uses referendums on the inclusion of previously disenfranchised groups in the demos as a running example. The paper distinguishes between pure, imperfect and quasi-pure models of procedural democratic legitimacy and sub-versions of them. To various extents, each model does have the capacity to confer legitimacy to demos decisions under well-defined circumstances. The paper argues that quasi-pure procedural legitimacy represents the most promising account of democratic legitimacy in cases where democratic procedures are the subject of collective decision-making. According to this model, the decision to revise the rules for membership in the demos is permissible by democratic standards if and only if the revision is not forbidden by democratic principles for inclusion. The point is that the range of alternatives that are not forbidden by democratic principles of inclusion are likely to be considerable due to vagueness of the principles themselves and/or them being subject to reasonable disagreement. The paper concludes with a discussion about the possibility of democratic legitimacy for democratic institutions not introduced as a result of democratic decision-making.

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  • 65.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democracy2021In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Democracy is a term that is used to denote a variety of distinct objects and ideas. Democracy describes either a set of political institutions or an ideal of collective self-rule. Democracy can also be short for a normative principle of either legitimacy or justice. Finally, democracy might be used to denote an egalitarian attitude. These four uses of the term should be kept distinct and raises separate conceptual and normative issues.

    The value of democracy, whether democratic political institutions or democratic self-rule, is either instrumental, non-instrumental, or both. The non-instrumental value of democracy derives either from the alleged fairness of majority rule or from the value of the social relationships enabled by participation in democratic procedures. The instrumental value of democracy lends support from a growing body of empirical research. Yet, the claim that democracy has a positive causal effect on public goods is inconclusive with respect to the moral justification of democratic institutions. Normative reasons for democracy’s instrumental value must instead appeal to the fact that it contributes to equality, liberty, truth, or the realization of popular will.

    Democracy as a principle of either political legitimacy or justice is a normative view that evades concerns with the definition and value of democracy. Normative democracy is a claim about the conditions either for legitimacy or justice of either public authority or coercion. Debates in normative democracy are largely divorced from the conceptual and empirical concerns that inform studies of democracy elsewhere.

    The boundaries of the people entitled to participate in collective decisions is a question that applies to all four uses of democracy. The boundary question raises three distinct issues. The first is the extent of inclusion required among the members of the unit. The second is if membership in the unit is necessary for inclusion or if people that are not recognized as members are on certain conditions also entitled to participate. The third and final issue concerns the boundaries of the unit itself.

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  • 66.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democracy and future generations. Should the unborn have a voice?2013In: Spheres of Global Justice: Volume 2 Fair Distribution - Global Economic, Social and Intergenerational Justice / [ed] Jean-Christophe Merle, Dordrecht: Springer Publishing Company, 2013, p. 775-788Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the view that the interests of future generations should be taken into consideration in decisions likely to affect them. In particular, it has been argued that the interests of future generations should be represented in local, national or international political decisions. This view is analyzed in terms of justice-seeking and democracy-seeking arguments and the extent to which the representation of future generations will promote the respective values of justice and democracy. In order to promote democracy, such representation must be consistent with the criterion of democratic inclusion. Assuming that democratic inclusion is conceptualized in legal terms, the representation of future generations is consistent with democracy only to the extent that they are likely to be bound by the decisions made today. It is shown here that future generations are not bound by the decisions made today. Thus, it follows that representing the interests of future generations in political decisions is not consistent with securing democracy for the living generation. The intergenerational problem is therefore one where the demands of justice and democracy may conflict.

  • 67.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democracy and the Right to Exclusion2014In: Res Publica, ISSN 1356-4765, E-ISSN 1572-8692, Vol. 20, no 4, p. 395-411Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A defining feature of democracy is the inclusion of members of the political association. However, the corresponding right to exclusion has attracted undeservedly scant attention in recent debates. In this paper, the nature of the right to exclusion is explored. On the assumption that inclusion requires the allocation of legal power-rights to the people entitled to participate in the making of collective decisions, two conceptions of the right to exclusion are identified: the liberty-right to exclude and the claim-right to exclude. The choice between them depends on the nature of the interests that justifies the power-rights of people included. The position is defended that if rights to democratic participation are power-rights, we must also accept that the people included have claim-rights to the exclusion of non-members.

  • 68.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democracy, national responsibility and climate change justice2012In: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, Vol. 19, no 5, p. 843-864Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Nations are regularly considered the main bearers of responsibility for climatechange. Accordingly, the differences between nations are crucial inunderstanding how responsibilities should be distributed. In this article, Iexamine the relevance of differences in type of political regime to this end.The claim defended here is that democratic institutions are constitutive ofthe conditions for when members of nations can be held responsible as acollective for the outcomes affecting the climate. The implications of thisaccount are demonstrated, first, in relation to claims of historicalresponsibility and, second, in relation to the burdens assigned to Annex Icountries by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Theanalysis shows why democratic institutions – at present and in the past –are essential in order to conclude that the members of a nation shareresponsibility for the harm caused by the aggregate greenhouse emissions oftheir nation. In connection to this analysis, we also show why responsibilityfor the costs of climate change is also sometimes justly placed onauthoritarian nations.

  • 69.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democratic legitimacy does not require constitutional referendum: On ‘the constitution’ in theories of constituent power2018In: European Constitutional Law Review, ISSN 1574-0196, E-ISSN 1744-5515, Vol. 14, no 3, p. 567-583Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 70.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democratization and inclusion2011In: Routledge Handbook on Democratization / [ed] Jeffrey Haynes, Abingdon: Routledge, 2011, p. 161-174Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 71.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Demokratipolitikens metoder: Insatser för ett ökat valdeltagande – en kunskapsöversikt2009Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
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  • 72.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den rimliga integrationen2011Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    I Sverige och i många andra länder talas det om vikten av integration. Det har sagts att integration kan betyda vad som helst. Men vilka är det som behöver integreras och vad kan integration betyda i ett demokratiskt samhälle? Handlar det om att leva tillsammans som jämlikar? En gemensam identitet? Och vem ska integreras med vem? På vilket sätt?Utifrån sin nya bok ”Den rimliga integrationen” försöker Ludvig Beckman hitta svaren som tidigare har tagits för givna men i en tid av ökad migration och mångfald måste omvärderas och diskuteras på nytt. Det behövs en ny förståelse av integration – en rimlig integration.

  • 73.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Folket i demokratin2015In: Demokrati: Historien og Ideene / [ed] Raino Malnes, Dag Einar Thorsen, Oslo: Dreyer Forlag A/S, 2015, p. 33-45Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 74.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Fri åsiktsbildning och yttrandefrihet som individuell rättighet2018In: Opinionsfrihet och religion / [ed] Bo Lindberg, Stockholm: Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, 2018, p. 113-124Chapter in book (Refereed)
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  • 75.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Grundbok i idéanalys2005Book (Other academic)
  • 76.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Irregular migration and democracy: the case for inclusion2013In: Citizenship Studies, ISSN 1362-1025, E-ISSN 1469-3593, Vol. 17, no 1, p. 48-60Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper examines the democratic status of irregular immigrants from the vantagepoint of different models of democratic inclusion. The argument developed is thatirregular immigrants are in fact members of the democratic state by virtue of beingsubjected to the legally binding norms in the territory of the state. The extension of thevote and other political rights to irregular immigrants nevertheless remains problematicdue to their ‘illegal’ status. Because this status follows from the restrictive borderpolicies implemented by most contemporary states, it shows that the ideal ofdemocratic inclusion is scarcely reconcilable with a policy of restrictive cross-bordermovement. The conclusion defended in the paper is that the interest in keeping bordersrestricted reduces the prospects for democratic inclusion in contemporary states.

  • 77.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Is there a Moral Right to Vote?2017In: Ethical Theory and Moral Practice, ISSN 1386-2820, E-ISSN 1572-8447, Vol. 20, no 4, p. 885-897Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The question raised in this paper is whether legal rights to vote are also moral rights to vote. The challenge to the justification of a moral right to vote is that it is not clear that the vote is instrumental to the preservation of some critical interest of the voter. Because a single vote has ‘no impact’ on electoral outcomes, the right to vote is unlikely to serve the interests of the individual. The account developed in this paper holds that moral voting rights can be justified once we acknowledge that voting by a sub-set of citizens is among the necessary preconditions for democratic institutions making a significant difference to their collective interests. The justification of a moral right to vote does not, then, apply to each individual citizen but only to a sub-set of them. In order to justify inclusive moral voting rights, the further consideration must be added that individuals have critical interests in public recognition of equal status. An inclusive moral right to vote accordingly depends on both collective interest in the outcomes of democratic institutions and on individual interest in equal recognition.

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  • 78.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Is weak popular sovereingty possible?2021In: Sovereignty as Value / [ed] Andre Santos Campos, Susana Cadilha, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2021, p. 35-52Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 79.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Jämlikhet2009In: Politisk teori, Stockholm: Liber , 2009, p. 37-53Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 80.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Must democratic rights serve the rights-bearer? The right to vote of people with severe cognitive impairments2014In: The Aporia of Rights: explorations in citizenship in the era of human rights / [ed] Anna Yeatman and Peg Birmingham, London: Continuum, 2014, p. 93-114Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 81.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Political Representation of Future Generations and Collective Responsibility2015In: Jurisprudence, ISSN 2040-3313, E-ISSN 2040-3321, Vol. 6, no 3, p. 516-534Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The political representation of future generations would change the relationship between public decisions and the members of democratic political systems. In this paper we examine the implication of these changes on the responsibility of the living members for the future effects of current polices with special reference to climate change. The claim defended is that the collective responsibility of the living members for future outcomes diminishes when public decisions are made less responsive to them. In order to explain why this is the case a ‘participatory account' of collective responsibility is developed according to which collective responsibility is premised on the extent to which public decisions depend on their members. The paper concludes with a discussion on the grounds for valuing collective outcome responsibility and why the conflict between this norm and the claim that future generations should be granted political representation poses fundamental questions about the value of democracy.

  • 82.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Popular sovereignty facing the deep state: The rule of recognition and the powers of the people2021In: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772, Vol. 24, no 7, p. 954-976Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper investigates the relationship between the idea of popular sovereignty and the conditions for legal validity and argue that the latter imposes definitive limits to the former. Popular sovereignty has been defined as the condition when the will of the people is the "supreme authority in the state". Following this conception, there is no authority above the people and this is traditionally understood to mean that the authority of the people is above the constitution. Legal validity, though admittedly still debated, is here understood along Hart's "rule of recognition" According to which the validity of norms ultimately depends on the social practices of public officials. Though presumably uncontroversial that democratic peoples are entitled to remake the constitution, the powers of the people with respect to the substance of the law are nevertheless limited with respect to decisions of legal validity. The most basic rules in a legal system are not found in the constitution as they are the rules deciding what is to count as a legal norm within that system. They are more fundamental than the constitution because they also define what norms is the constitution legally speaking.

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  • 83.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Power and future people’s freedom: intergenerational domination, climate change, and constitutionalism2016In: Journal of Political Power, ISSN 2158-379X, E-ISSN 2158-3803, Vol. 9, no 2, p. 289-307Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Intergenerational domination is the idea that future people’s freedom is violated insofar as they are vulnerable to the capacity of the people living before them to interfere. This paper explores the extent to which intergenerational domination applies to two familiar phenomena: climate change and constitutionalism. The first part of the paper argues that the emission of greenhouse gases does not amount to intergenerational domination. Being hurt by climate change does not equal subjection to the capacity of previous generations to interfere. The second part argues that intergenerational domination is under certain conditions applicable to the relationship exemplified by political constitutionalism. Hence, this study shows that constitutional provisions introduced in order to protect future generations from climate change is more likely to contribute to rather than to protect them from intergenerational domination.

  • 84.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Rösträttsåldern och demokratinsavgränsningsproblem2018In: Demokratins framtid / [ed] Katarina Barrling; Sören Holmberg, stockholm: Sveriges Riksdag , 2018, p. 81-110Chapter in book (Other academic)
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  • 85.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Skyddet för den genetiska integriteten2004In: Genetikens möjligheter och problem / [ed] Tommy Möller, Stockholm: Pensionsforum , 2004Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 86.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Frontiers of Democracy: The Right to Vote and its Limits2009Book (Other academic)
  • 87.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Subjects of Collectively Binding Decisions: Democratic Inclusion and Extraterritorial Law2014In: Ratio Juris, ISSN 0952-1917, E-ISSN 1467-9337, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 252-270Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Citizenship and residency are basic conditions for political inclusion in a democracy. However, if democracy is premised on the inclusion of everyone subject to collectively binding decisions, the relevance of either citizenship or residency for recognition as a member of the polity is uncertain. The aim of this paper is to specify the conditions for being subject to collective decisions in the sense relevant to democratic theory. Three conceptions of what it means to be subject to collectively binding decisions are identified and examined, referring to those subject to legal duties and legal powers or to those subject to legal duties and state institutions. The contrast between them is most clearly illustrated in relation to non-residents, those not present in the territory of the state. The extraterritorial dimension of the law thus highlights a fundamental ambiguity in the theory of democracy concerning the extension of political rights.

  • 88.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. The Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Three Conceptions of Law in Democratic Theory2023In: Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence, ISSN 0841-8209, E-ISSN 2056-4260, Vol. 36, no 1, p. 65-82Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Democratic theory tends to proceed on the assumption that law requires democratic legitimation because it is coercive. However, the claim that law requires democratic legitimation is distinct from claims about the nature of law. This paper takes issue with the notion that law is coercive by an exploration of three distinct understandings of the nature of law: the state-based conception of law, law as the rules of institutionalized normative systems, and law as social norms. Drawing on insights from legal and democratic theory, the paper defends the view that the ‘law’ to which democratic claims apply are the rules of conduct of institutionalized normative systems. Since rules that belong to such systems are found in associations beyond or below the level of the state, the scope of democratic participation is significantly wider than is usually recognized.

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  • 89.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Erman, EvaUppsala University, Sweden.
    Territories of Citizenship2012Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Territories of Citizenship explores citizenship transitions in light of increasedglobal interconnectedness, ethnic diversity, and migration. The focus of the book is two prone.The first part evaluates the ramifications of conventional citizenship within thetraditional physical and legal boundaries of the nation-state for the democracy of itsinhabitants. An important concern in the first part of the book is the effect on migration flowsand citizen mobility on citizenship. How should democracies view citizenship rights now thatsocieties increasingly include resident citizens, resident non-citizens, and naturalized citizens?And why is residence special for belonging to the political community? Chapters for this partof the book compare the duties of residents and citizens, ask why it matters for democraticdecision-making if its inhabitants have different forms of belonging to the politicalcommunity, and consider naturalization legislation from a normative democratic perspective.The chapters thus illustrate several democratic problems associated with traditional territorialcitizenship. Part two focuses on the potentials for new citizenship space and place beyond theterritorial confine of the nation-state. Its chapters concern the role of international institutionsand multilevel governance as guarantors of citizenship and both ask and answer questionsabout the prospect of empowering individuals and creating transnational public sphere andglobal solidarity in global governance. 

  • 90.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Hultin Rosenberg, Jonas
    Freedom as Non-domination and Democratic Inclusion2018In: Res Publica, ISSN 1356-4765, E-ISSN 1572-8692, Vol. 24, no 2, p. 181-198Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    According to neo-republicans, democracy is morally justified because it is among the prerequisites for freedom as non-domination. The claim that democracy secures freedom as non-domination needs to explain why democratic procedures contribute to non-domination and for whom democracy secures non-domination. This requires an account of why domination is countered by democratic procedures and an account of to whom domination is countered by access to democratic procedures. Neo-republican theory of democracy is based on a detailed discussion of the former but a scant discussion of the latter. We address this lacuna by interpreting the two most influential principles of inclusion, the all-subjected principle and the all-affected principle, in light of neo-republican commitments. The preliminary conclusion is that both principles are able to capture relations of domination between the democratic state and the people controlled by it in the relevant sense. Yet, the state has virtually unlimited powers to control residents, but only limited powers to interfere in the lives of non-residents. Republican aspirations are therefore more in tune with the all-subjected principle according to which only residents in the territory of the state should be granted rights to political participation.

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  • 91.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mörkenstam, UlfStockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Politisk teori2016Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 92.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Reinikainen, Jouni
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Popular Sovereignty, Globalization and Political Rights2016In: Portuguese Journal of Political Science, ISSN 1647-4090, no 6, p. 155-178Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 93.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Uddhammar, Emil
    Virtues of independence and dependence on virtues.2003Collection (editor) (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 94.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Uggla, Fredrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    An Ombudsman for Future Generations: Legitimate and Effective?2016In: Institutions For Future Generations / [ed] Iñigo González-Ricoy, Axel Gosseries, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016, p. 117-134Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 95.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan: Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is often portrayed as a very secular country. Thus the mobilization of mosque communities in the late 1990s and their conflictual relationship with the authorities came as a surprise. The main aim of the dissertation is to shed light on this mobilization, focusing on the Sunni Abu Bakr and the Shi’ite Juma mosque communities in Baku. On the premise that Islamic mobilization may be interpreted as a “social movement”, internal, contextual and interactional aspects of mobilization have been studied. The analysis is chiefly based on interviews conducted in Baku in 2004/2005 with Imams, worshippers, religious and secular authorities. The study finds that young people looking for new approaches to religion have been drawn to these communities, where they encounter an independent, educated, conscientious clergy and, indeed, a “new” religion. This “sovereign” Islam does not go down well with authorities who fear politicization of religion. The Soviet heritage has provided them with a view of religion as something that should not be publicly displayed and with the institutions to control religion. Another key feature whose impact on state policy towards religious organizations cannot be underestimated is the fear of imported radicalism. A look at Islamic mobilization in North Caucasus, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reveals many similarities, yet one momentous difference is the harsher repression in these contexts, which decreases the chances of a non-radical mobilization. The thesis concludes that the role of the state in mobilization processes in non-democratic contexts is crucial but counterintuitive, as the regimes’ efforts to stop the mobilization of movements actually leads to its intensification. In Azerbaijan, official pressure brings community members closer together and strengthens their resolve, rather than putting an end to mobilization. It also puts a spotlight on these communities which lights up the way for others in search of something new.

    Download full text (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 96.
    Behnke, Andreas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Re-presenting the West: NATO’s Security Discourse after the End of the Cold War2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is a critical investigation into the discursive processes through which the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has re-produced a geopolitical order, or nomos, after the end of the Cold War and the demise of its constitutive enemy, the Soviet Union. The thesis examines both the ontological as well as the epistemological aspects of these processes. It seeks to understand what new security relevant identities and spaces are defined in NATO’s discourse, as well as from what epistemic vantage point this new security political order is mapped and inscribed. More specifically, this thesis is based on the assumption that the continued existence and political relevance of the Alliance rests on its ability to re-produce ‘the West’ as a geo-cultural space that serves as its security referent object.

    The thesis concludes with a critical evaluation of NATO’s post-Cold War geopolitical order and the meta-theoretical commitments underlying its conception of security.

  • 97.
    Bengtsson, Carl
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economic History.
    Slutet för trippelalliansen: Orsaken till konflikten mellan Turkiet och Israel2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This essay aims to investigate Turkey’s changed foreign policy towards her longtime ally Israel.  The essay has been made by a case-study of foreign policy change. Turkey has almost since the nation was founded shared the same objectives as the West, and has therefore served as a tool for Western interests in the region. Turkey and Israel both shared the same friends-andfoes perceptions, which was fundamental for the alliance. The last one and a half decade Turkish domestic politics has undergone huge shifts in its dynamic, which has affected the relation to Israel. At the same time, the region has undergone big shifts in its balance of power, and Israel has allied with opposite factions in for Turkey crucial struggles. As shown in the conclusions, Israel is now seen as an obstacle for Turkish power pretensions in the region, and a threat towards the state.

    Download full text (pdf)
    turkietisrael
  • 98.
    Bengtsson, Carl
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Turkiskt trauma: En studie av Turkiets förändrade utrikespolitik2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Download full text (pdf)
    turkiskttrauma
  • 99.
    Berg, Annika
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Culture and Aesthetics.
    Ericsson, Martin
    Allmän rösträtt? Rösträttens begränsningar i Sverige efter 19212021Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    För hundra år sedan lyckades arbetarrörelsen och kvinnorörelsen driva igenom sina krav på allmän rösträtt i Sverige. I första världskrigets slutskede gav högern – skrämda av revolutionära krafter i Ryssland och Västeuropa – till slut upp sitt motstånd mot demokratiseringen och 1921 hölls det första valet med så kallad allmän och lika rösträtt.

    Men hur omfattande var den rösträtt som infördes 1918–21? I denna här boken tecknas rösträttens historia i Sverige efter den ”allmänna” rösträttens införande. Det visar sig här att rätten att rösta under 1900-talet inte alls omfattat alla befolkningsgrupper.

    Fattiga, gamla och konkursdrabbade har tidvis exkluderats, värnpliktsvägrare, fångar och omyndigförklarade likaså. Åldersgränserna har varierat, liksom relationen mellan rösträtten och det svenska medborgarskapet. Dessutom har reglerna för hur röstningen rent praktiskt ska gå till gjort det svårt för vissa grupper, bland annat renskötande samer, att utnyttja sin rätt.

    Den här boken handlar om den allmänna rösträttens föränderliga gränser och ställer frågor om demokratins räckvidd – i det förflutna och i vår samtid.

  • 100.
    Berg, Heléne
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Economics.
    Dahlberg, Matz
    Vernby, Kåre
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Post-WWI military disarmament and interwar fascism in Sweden2019In: Historical Methods, ISSN 0161-5440, E-ISSN 1940-1906, Vol. 52, no 1, p. 37-56Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The emergence of anti-democratic movements is a central puzzle to social science. We study a novel and rich historical dataset covering Swedish municipalities during the interwar years and find a strong link between the presence of a military garrison and the emergence of fascist parties. We interpret these results as suggesting that fascist mobilization in Sweden was driven by discontent with the process of disarmament brought about by democratization. In contrast, poor economic conditions, as captured both by levels of and changes in the local poverty rate and tax base, do not explain the strong link between the fascists and military garrisons. We relate these results to influential theories of democratization.

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