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  • 51.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    Gustafsson, Maria-Therese
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies. Latinamerika-Institutet.
    Movimiento indígena y liderazgo político local en la Sierra ecuatoriana:: ¿Actores políticos o proceso social?2008In: Provincia: Revista venezolana de estudios territoriales, ISSN 1317-9533, no 19Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The indigenous movement in Ecuador has combined social mobilization with political institutionalization. The organic relation between the social movement CONAIE and the political party (or movement) Pachakutik has been successful, but also complicated, giving rise to internal conflicts and fragmentation. In this study the relations between Pachakutik and CONAIE are analyzed at the local level in Otavalo and Cotacachi. The authors argue for the importance to analyze the organizational structures locally, since the indigenous movements has been strongest at this level. In Otavalo the ethnic tensions have been clearly manifested through rupture of the mayor, Mario Conejo who left Pachakutik and created a new political movement – Minga Intercultural-. The case of Cotacachi is likewise particular since an alliance is established between the mayor Auki Tituaña and the peasant movement, UNORCAC (with links to the Socialist Party). Drawing on an analytical framework of collective action and decentralization the authors argue that it is impossible to draw an exact line between what is the social and the political movement.

  • 52.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies. Latinamerika-Institutet.
    Gustafsson, Maria-Therese
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies. Latinamerika-Institutet.
    ¿Proceso social o actores políticos?: Reflexiones sobre Pachakutik y CONAIE desde Imbabura2008In: Aportes Andinos, no 21Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    El movimiento indígena ecuatoriano ha combinado movilización social con institucionalización política. La relación orgánica entre el movimiento social –CONAIE- y el partido (o movimiento) político -Pachakutik- ha sido tanto exitosa como complicada, con implicaciones en formas de conflictos internos y fragmentación. En el presente estudio se analizan las relaciones entre Pachakutik y la CONAIE a nivel local: los casos de los cantones Otavalo y Cotacachi. Se argumenta sobre la importancia de analizar las estructuras organizativas a nivel local, ya que es allí donde el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano ha tenido su fortaleza principal. En Otavalo las tensiones de carácter étnico se han manifestado claramente, incluso con la reciente desafiliación del Alcalde Mario Conejo de las filas de Pachakutik y la emergencia de otro movimiento político local –la Minga Intercultural- alrededor del alcalde. El caso de Cotacachi igualmente se presenta contradictorio, ya que allí la alianza principal del Alcalde Auki Tituaña es con una organización campesina indígena fuera de la CONAIE, la UNORCAC (asociada al Partido Socialista Ecuatoriano). Dentro del marco analítico de acción colectiva y la descentralización, los autores arguyen que en la práctica es imposible crear una frontera definitiva entre lo que se debería clasificar como movimiento social y/o político respectivamente.

  • 53.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kröger, Markus
    Extractivism and the de jure and de facto ethno-territorial rights in Latin America: How important are the constitutions?: Extractivismo y derechos étnico-territoriales de jure y de facto en Latinoamérica: ¿Cuán importantes son las constituciones?2016In: Observatorio del Desarrollo, ISSN 2393-6916, no 23, p. 1-22Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    A growing number of Latin American rural groups have attained extended ethno-territorial rights, and sizeable territories were safeguarded by progressive constitutions. This trend was the product of extended cycles of protest at local, national and transnational levels; social movements struggle, with broader collective South-South collaboration. Nonetheless, the continent simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Commonly, the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or indigenous territories. Accordingly, economic interests clash with the safeguarding and recognition of constitutional rights. Through the analysis of selected illustrative cases across Latin America, this study analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. 

  • 54. Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Lembke, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    Dilemas e desafios na construção do Estado plurinacional: Territorialidade, Indigeneidade e Diálogo Deliberativo Intercultural no Equador2017In: Revista Movimentaçao, E-ISSN 2358-9205, Vol. 4, no 6, p. 178-202Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [pt]

    A partir de 2008, com a promulgação de uma nova Constituição, o Equador se tornou formalmente um Estado Plurinacional e Intercultural, resultado de décadas de lutas dos povos indígenas. Desde então, um dos desafios centrais das organizações indígenas trata das visões e modelos para a implementação prática e institucional do Estado Plurinacional. Existem diferentes interpretações e posturas sobre a plurinacionalidade e a interculturalidade dos atores indígenas. Problematizar-se-á como se expressam essas posições internamente, dentro da organização, e como se expressam externamente. Refere-se a este segundo processo externo como o diálogo deliberativo intercultural. O objetivo principal do presente texto é analiticamente problematizar os desafios e dilemas associados ao projeto de Estado Plurinacional a partir da perspectiva dos povos indígenas. Na estrutura teórica se destacam as contribuições sobre democracia deliberativa em sociedades divididas e/ou multiétnicas. A pergunta investigativa principal é: Como se refletem as complexidades do processo de implementação do Estado Plurinacional e Intercultural nos discursos dos atores envolvidos? O projeto plurinacional se inseriu contextualmente em uma relação complexa entre a territorialidade e a autoidentificação étnica. Enfatizamos a centralidade da territorialidade na indigeneidade e como estratégia nos processos organizativos e discursivos das organizações indígenas. Nessas disputas discursivas sobre a territorialidade, diferentes grupos indígenas se posicionam segundo sua relação histórica com a sociedade branco-mestiça. De tal maneira se constroem temporalidades diferentes desde a territorialidade. Metodologicamente, além da leitura crítica da literatura existente sobre o tema central do estudo, a presente investigação tem como base o trabalho etnográfico no Equador no qual se realizaram centenas de entrevistas entre 2001 e 2016 com políticos, intelectuais e porta-vozes das organizações indígenas.

  • 55. Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Lembke, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    Territorialidad, Indigeneidad y Diálogo Intercultural en Ecuador: Dilemas y desafíos en el proyecto del Estado Plurinacional2018In: Territorialidades otras: Visiones alternativas de la tierra y del territorio desde Ecuador / [ed] Johannes Waldmüller, Philipp Altmann, Quito: Editorial La Tierra , 2018, p. 183-212Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 56. Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Lembke, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    The Andean Catch-22: ethnicity, class and resource governance in Bolivia and Ecuador2018In: Globalizations, ISSN 1474-7731, E-ISSN 1474-774X, Vol. 15, no 5, p. 636-654Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This study deals with the tensions and contradictions between resource governance, welfare policies, and the constitutionally recognized rights of nature and the indigenous peoples in Bolivia and Ecuador. We have identified a certain reductionism in current debates on these issues and propose a more systematic analytical focus on class and the class-ethnicity duality, as expressed in historical and contemporary indigenous struggles, and also confirmed via our ethnographic material. Drawing on the double bind as expressed in Joseph Heller's Catch-22 wherein the protagonists face situations in which they do not have any choice to achieve a net gain, this article centres on how national governments have to choose between the protections of rights - in this case ethnic and environmental rights - and welfare provision financed by extractive revenues. From the perspective of ecologically concerned indigenous actors, the Catch-22 is articulated in the choice or compromise between universal welfarism on the one hand, and ethno-environmental concerns on the other hand. The article draws primarily on ecosocialist arguments and on indigenous-culturalist perspectives on Good Life (Sumak Kawsay or Vivir Bien). A central finding is the existence of awareness among involved actors - oppositional movements and government authorities - that the Catch-22 quandary and joint class-ethnic concerns are unavoidable ingredients in their discourses, struggles, and understandings of Good Life.

  • 57.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Romance Studies and Classics, Institute of Latin American Studies. Södertörn University, Sweden.
    Merimaa, Maija
    The Discursive Paradox of Environmental Conflict: Between Ecologism and Economism in Ecuador2018In: Forum for Development Studies, ISSN 0803-9410, E-ISSN 1891-1765, Vol. 45, no 3, p. 485-511Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Ecuador in times of the Rafael Correa government constitutes a prime example of the paradox of environmental conflict, in which all involved actors claim to represent the true vanguard concerning safeguarding of the environment and human conditions. The country presents the ecologically most progressive constitution in the world and also incorporates far-reaching recognition of indigenous peoples' rights. Notwithstanding, the economy remains reliant on extractivism and the government argues that the revenues of extractive industries benefit the common good. Anchored in a distinction between environmentalism and ecologism, this article identifies and problematizes dominant narratives among the actors of the contentious discursive scenarios, and analyses how the state and its ecological-indigenous opposition aim to position themselves within the political conflict. The central questions are: How are eco-progressive politics perceived, defined and expressed in this setting of an intercultural and plurinational society economically reliant on natural resource extraction? Which values, interests and ontological assumptions are at stake and how are these expressed in the discursive struggle? The research is based on several years of ethnographic fieldwork, combined with critical reading of the previous literature and discourse analysis. The article contributes to politico-environmental debates in Ecuador and beyond and shows that environmental struggle is entangled in broader political disputes conditioned by global economic structures. It likewise communicates with debates on argumentative discourse and illustrates that the same core arguments can constitute the argumentative basis of rivalling actors in political struggles, thus emphasizing the centrality of the contextual framing amid ontological divides in contentious discursive settings.

  • 58.
    Lalander, Rickard O.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies. University of Helsinki, Finland.
    Suicide of the Elephants?: Venezuelan Decentralization between Partyarchy and Chavismo2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    On the 3rd of December 1989, Venezuelans went to the polls for the first time to directly elect their local and regional political leaders. A process of government decentralization was initiated with direct elections of municipal mayors and regional state governors. Since 1958, the political system had been dominated by two political parties, the social democratic AD (Acción Democrática) and Christian democratic COPEI, both strongly centralized parties. The system of strongly dominant political parties is often referred to as partyarchy, with penetration of organized social and political activities. Notwithstanding, the AD-COPEI partyarchy experienced a relatively rapid process of undermining from 1989, losing control over important mayordomes, governorships and municipal councils. The municipal, regional and national elections of 1998 and 2000 changed the political panorama even more. Several entirely new political parties have emerged. The MVR (Movimiento V República) party of current President Hugo Chávez presents the most dramatic and rapid rise in this context. But similarly, other parties associated with decentralization have achieved increased political influence.Theoretically, a combination of actors rational choice, and, more process-structural approaches, helps to theoretically understand the political transformations related to decentralization and its implications for the party system. The study demonstrates that the party system and political decentralization are Intimately connected and dependent of each other. This study describes and analyzes the "encounter" between the Venezuelan party system and the decentralization reform.

  • 59.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    Ospina Peralta, Pablo
    Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Quito.
    Movimiento Indígena y Revolución Ciudadana en Ecuador2012In: Cuestiones políticas, ISSN 0798-1406, Vol. 28, no 48, p. 13-50Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article highlights the relationship between the Ecuadorian indigenous movement and the progressive government of Rafael Correa and his PAIS Movement.The objective is to examine why the indigenous movement has decided to oppose the Correa government, despite initial common political concerns. To explain this paradox, both the recent political history of the indigenous movementas well as the attitudes and politics applied by the Correa administration are analyzed. Five fields of political discrepancy and differentiation are offered as probable explanations for the conflictive relationship between the indigenous organizationsand the Correa government. These interconnected themes that seek to explain the distancing are: an intercultural dilemma, opposition to extractivism,different attitudes toward social mobilization, agrarian policies and finally, the state policy labelled de-sectorization.

  • 60.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    University of Helsinki, Finland.
    Velásquez-Atehortúa, Juan
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Anthropology.
    El Protagonismo Femenino en la Radicalización de la Democracia Venezolana Bolivariana2013In: Revista Latino-Americana de Geografia e Gênero, ISSN 2177-2886, Vol. 4, no 2, p. 29-44Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Feminine Protagonism in the Radicalization of Bolivarian Venezuelan Democracy

    The aim of this article is to examine the growing protagonism of women in the recently developed participatory structures within the framework of democratic transition in Venezuela, during thepresidency of Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, mainly from 2006 onwards. While the degree of personalized political symbolic power has deepened during the period, at the same time the political system has changed, towards a model characterizedby broader political participation and social inclusion at grassroots level. The insurgence ofpopular sector women in the local political structures will be emphasized, as well as the female protagonism and empowerment in the radical participatory democracy in progress. In order to make this issue visible, the analytical focus will be placed mainly on one participatory model of the so called Bolivarian Revolution: the Community Councils, although other relevant mechanisms anddimensions of popular participation will be dealt with. Through these frameworks, a growing number of women from the popular sectors have found their own space of empowerment. Theoretically, this research connects to radical and participatory democracy debates, changing StateCitizenshiprelations and the empowerment of women who were previously excluded from the public spheres.

  • 61.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Velásquez-Atehortúa, Juan
    La ciudadanía insurgente de las mujeres de barrios populares en Venezuela: reflexiones sobre los consejos comunales y las salas de batalla2015In: Espacio Abierto, ISSN 1315-0006, Vol. 4, no 3, p. 45-68Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Citizenship insurgent of neighborhoods women in Venezuela: reflections on the Community Councils and the Social Battle Rooms

    This article aims to analyze certain characteristics of the Venezuelan democratic transformation during the Presidency of Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, particularly from 2002 onwards and with a specific focus on the emergence of barrio women in the new participatory structures. There will be particular attention to the mechanisms enhancing local political participation and social inclusion through the Community Councils (Consejos Comunales) and the Social Battle Rooms (Salas de Batalla Social). Within these instances barrio women had increasingly discovered their own space for individual and collective empowerment. barrio women’s participation in such instances frames a process of gender equality based in scale complementarity in which the structures of macro-politics more dominated by men, while those of micro-politics are generally subjugated by barrio women. In this study barrio women’s instances of micro-politics will be conceptualized in terms of insurgent citizenship. The article connects thus to theoretical debates on radical participatory democracy, State-society relations, and the empowerment of barrio women that previously were excluded from the public sphere.

  • 62.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. University of Helsinki, Finland.
    Velásquez-Atehortúa, Juan
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Social Anthropology.
    ¿La Revolución tiene cara de mujer?: La feminización de la participación democrática en Venezuela2013In: Ecuador Debate, ISSN 1012-1498, no 88, p. 147-168Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [es]

    El objetivo del presente artículo es examinar el creciente protagonismo de mujeres en las nuevas estructuras participativas dentro del esquema de transformación de la democracia venezolana en tiempos de la administración del Presidente Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, particularmente a partir de 2006. Si bien es cierto que se ha acentuado el grado de personalismo político durante la era chavista, al mismo tiempo el sistema político ha cambiado de carácter, con más participación popular e inclusión social en las bases locales. Particularmente se enfatizan los mecanismos para animar a la participación política vecinal e inclusión social. Especialmente se enfatizarán los cambios en cuanto al surgimiento de mujeres en las estructuras políticas locales y su protagonismo en la emergente democracia participativa. Para lograr visibilizar eso se analizan dos modelos participativos de la llamada Revolución Bolivariana: los Consejos Comunales y las Salas de Batalla Social. Dentro de estos esquemas una gran cantidad de mujeres de los sectores populares han encontrado su propio espacio de empoderamiento. Teóricamente, el estudio se vincula con los debates de democracia radical y participativa, relaciones Estado-ciudadanía y el empoderamiento de las mujeres que anteriormente estaban excluidas de las esferas públicas.

  • 63.
    Maria-Therese, Gustafsson
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies. Latinamerika-Institutet.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    Multikulturalism och indianrörelser i Ecuador och Bolivia: från sociala rörelser till politiska partier2008In: Internationella Studier, ISSN 0020-952X, no 1, p. 8-Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 64. Ospina Peralta, Pablo
    et al.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies, Institute of Latin American Studies.
    Razones de un distanciamiento político: el Movimiento Indígena ecuatoriano y la Revolución Ciudadana2012In: Observatorio Social de América Latina - OSAL, ISSN 1515-3282, no 32Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite sharing common initial political concerns, the relationship between the Ecuadorian Indigenous movement –mainly represented by the CONAIE confederation- and the Leftist government of Rafael Correa and his PAIS movement has been characterized by conflicts and disagreements. This is the central contradiction behind this article. The objective of the study is to analytically explore particular reasons behind this conflictive relationship since the establishment of the Correa government from 2007 onwards. Four interconnected thematic fields are emphasized as likely explanations to the disagreement and distance between the indigenous organizations and the government. These programmatic differences are: opposition against resource exploitation, attitudes towards social mobilization, agrarian politics, and lastly, the state policy we label de-sectorization.

12 51 - 64 of 64
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