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  • 51.
    Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Ya'u, Y. Z.
    Organising for Democracy: Nigerian and Comparative Experiences2012Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 52.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Climate Change Duties and the Human Right to Democracy2015Ingår i: The Ethics of Climate Governance / [ed] Aaron Maltais and Catriona McKinnon, London: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2015Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 53.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    De 'kunnige' och 'erfarne' statsråden? Demokratin och kravet på politisk kompetens2010Ingår i: Regeringsmakten i Sverige: ett experiment i parlamentarism 1917-2009 / [ed] Jörgen Hermansson, Stockholm: SNS , 2010Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 54.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Deciding the demos: three conceptions of democratic legitimacy2019Ingår i: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772, Vol. 22, nr 4, s. 412-431Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The prevailing view is that democratic procedures are unable to confer democratic legitimacy to decisions about democratic procedures. This paper examines this claim in detail and uses referendums on the inclusion of previously disenfranchised groups in the demos as a running example. The paper distinguishes between pure, imperfect and quasi-pure models of procedural democratic legitimacy and sub-versions of them. To various extents, each model does have the capacity to confer legitimacy to demos decisions under well-defined circumstances. The paper argues that quasi-pure procedural legitimacy represents the most promising account of democratic legitimacy in cases where democratic procedures are the subject of collective decision-making. According to this model, the decision to revise the rules for membership in the demos is permissible by democratic standards if and only if the revision is not forbidden by democratic principles for inclusion. The point is that the range of alternatives that are not forbidden by democratic principles of inclusion are likely to be considerable due to vagueness of the principles themselves and/or them being subject to reasonable disagreement. The paper concludes with a discussion about the possibility of democratic legitimacy for democratic institutions not introduced as a result of democratic decision-making.

  • 55.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Democracy and future generations. Should the unborn have a voice?2013Ingår i: Spheres of Global Justice: Volume 2 Fair Distribution - Global Economic, Social and Intergenerational Justice / [ed] Jean-Christophe Merle, Dordrecht: Springer Publishing Company, 2013, s. 775-788Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the view that the interests of future generations should be taken into consideration in decisions likely to affect them. In particular, it has been argued that the interests of future generations should be represented in local, national or international political decisions. This view is analyzed in terms of justice-seeking and democracy-seeking arguments and the extent to which the representation of future generations will promote the respective values of justice and democracy. In order to promote democracy, such representation must be consistent with the criterion of democratic inclusion. Assuming that democratic inclusion is conceptualized in legal terms, the representation of future generations is consistent with democracy only to the extent that they are likely to be bound by the decisions made today. It is shown here that future generations are not bound by the decisions made today. Thus, it follows that representing the interests of future generations in political decisions is not consistent with securing democracy for the living generation. The intergenerational problem is therefore one where the demands of justice and democracy may conflict.

  • 56. Beckman, Ludvig
    Democracy and the Right to Exclusion2014Ingår i: Res Publica, ISSN 1356-4765, E-ISSN 1572-8692, Vol. 20, nr 4, s. 395-411Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    A defining feature of democracy is the inclusion of members of the political association. However, the corresponding right to exclusion has attracted undeservedly scant attention in recent debates. In this paper, the nature of the right to exclusion is explored. On the assumption that inclusion requires the allocation of legal power-rights to the people entitled to participate in the making of collective decisions, two conceptions of the right to exclusion are identified: the liberty-right to exclude and the claim-right to exclude. The choice between them depends on the nature of the interests that justifies the power-rights of people included. The position is defended that if rights to democratic participation are power-rights, we must also accept that the people included have claim-rights to the exclusion of non-members.

  • 57.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Democracy, national responsibility and climate change justice2012Ingår i: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, Vol. 19, nr 5, s. 843-864Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Nations are regularly considered the main bearers of responsibility for climatechange. Accordingly, the differences between nations are crucial inunderstanding how responsibilities should be distributed. In this article, Iexamine the relevance of differences in type of political regime to this end.The claim defended here is that democratic institutions are constitutive ofthe conditions for when members of nations can be held responsible as acollective for the outcomes affecting the climate. The implications of thisaccount are demonstrated, first, in relation to claims of historicalresponsibility and, second, in relation to the burdens assigned to Annex Icountries by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Theanalysis shows why democratic institutions – at present and in the past –are essential in order to conclude that the members of a nation shareresponsibility for the harm caused by the aggregate greenhouse emissions oftheir nation. In connection to this analysis, we also show why responsibilityfor the costs of climate change is also sometimes justly placed onauthoritarian nations.

  • 58.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Democratic legitimacy does not require constitutional referendum: On ‘the constitution’ in theories of constituent power2018Ingår i: European Constitutional Law Review, ISSN 1574-0196, E-ISSN 1744-5515, Vol. 14, nr 3, s. 567-583Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 59.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Democratization and inclusion2011Ingår i: Routledge Handbook on Democratization / [ed] Jeffrey Haynes, Abingdon: Routledge, 2011, s. 161-174Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 60.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Demokratipolitikens metoder: Insatser för ett ökat valdeltagande – en kunskapsöversikt2009Rapport (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 61.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Den rimliga integrationen2011Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    I Sverige och i många andra länder talas det om vikten av integration. Det har sagts att integration kan betyda vad som helst. Men vilka är det som behöver integreras och vad kan integration betyda i ett demokratiskt samhälle? Handlar det om att leva tillsammans som jämlikar? En gemensam identitet? Och vem ska integreras med vem? På vilket sätt?Utifrån sin nya bok ”Den rimliga integrationen” försöker Ludvig Beckman hitta svaren som tidigare har tagits för givna men i en tid av ökad migration och mångfald måste omvärderas och diskuteras på nytt. Det behövs en ny förståelse av integration – en rimlig integration.

  • 62.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Folket i demokratin2015Ingår i: Demokrati: Historien og Ideene / [ed] Raino Malnes, Dag Einar Thorsen, Oslo: Dreyer Forlag A/S, 2015, s. 33-45Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 63.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Fri åsiktsbildning och yttrandefrihet som individuell rättighet2018Ingår i: Opinionsfrihet och religion / [ed] Bo Lindberg, Stockholm: Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, 2018, s. 113-124Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 64.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Grundbok i idéanalys2005Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 65.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Irregular migration and democracy: the case for inclusion2013Ingår i: Citizenship Studies, ISSN 1362-1025, E-ISSN 1469-3593, Vol. 17, nr 1, s. 48-60Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper examines the democratic status of irregular immigrants from the vantagepoint of different models of democratic inclusion. The argument developed is thatirregular immigrants are in fact members of the democratic state by virtue of beingsubjected to the legally binding norms in the territory of the state. The extension of thevote and other political rights to irregular immigrants nevertheless remains problematicdue to their ‘illegal’ status. Because this status follows from the restrictive borderpolicies implemented by most contemporary states, it shows that the ideal ofdemocratic inclusion is scarcely reconcilable with a policy of restrictive cross-bordermovement. The conclusion defended in the paper is that the interest in keeping bordersrestricted reduces the prospects for democratic inclusion in contemporary states.

  • 66.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Is there a Moral Right to Vote?2017Ingår i: Ethical Theory and Moral Practice, ISSN 1386-2820, E-ISSN 1572-8447, Vol. 20, nr 4, s. 885-897Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The question raised in this paper is whether legal rights to vote are also moral rights to vote. The challenge to the justification of a moral right to vote is that it is not clear that the vote is instrumental to the preservation of some critical interest of the voter. Because a single vote has ‘no impact’ on electoral outcomes, the right to vote is unlikely to serve the interests of the individual. The account developed in this paper holds that moral voting rights can be justified once we acknowledge that voting by a sub-set of citizens is among the necessary preconditions for democratic institutions making a significant difference to their collective interests. The justification of a moral right to vote does not, then, apply to each individual citizen but only to a sub-set of them. In order to justify inclusive moral voting rights, the further consideration must be added that individuals have critical interests in public recognition of equal status. An inclusive moral right to vote accordingly depends on both collective interest in the outcomes of democratic institutions and on individual interest in equal recognition.

  • 67.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Jämlikhet2009Ingår i: Politisk teori, Stockholm: Liber , 2009, s. 37-53Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 68.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Must democratic rights serve the rights-bearer? The right to vote of people with severe cognitive impairments2014Ingår i: The Aporia of Rights: explorations in citizenship in the era of human rights / [ed] Anna Yeatman and Peg Birmingham, London: Continuum, 2014, s. 93-114Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 69.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Political Representation of Future Generations and Collective Responsibility2015Ingår i: Jurisprudence, ISSN 2040-3313, E-ISSN 2040-3321, Vol. 6, nr 3, s. 516-534Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The political representation of future generations would change the relationship between public decisions and the members of democratic political systems. In this paper we examine the implication of these changes on the responsibility of the living members for the future effects of current polices with special reference to climate change. The claim defended is that the collective responsibility of the living members for future outcomes diminishes when public decisions are made less responsive to them. In order to explain why this is the case a ‘participatory account' of collective responsibility is developed according to which collective responsibility is premised on the extent to which public decisions depend on their members. The paper concludes with a discussion on the grounds for valuing collective outcome responsibility and why the conflict between this norm and the claim that future generations should be granted political representation poses fundamental questions about the value of democracy.

  • 70.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Popular sovereignty facing the deep state. The rule of recognition and the powers of the people2019Ingår i: Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, ISSN 1369-8230, E-ISSN 1743-8772Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper investigates the relationship between the idea of popular sovereignty and the conditions for legal validity and argue that the latter imposes definitive limits to the former. Popular sovereignty has been defined as the condition when the will of the people is the "supreme authority in the state". Following this conception, there is no authority above the people and this is traditionally understood to mean that the authority of the people is above the constitution. Legal validity, though admittedly still debated, is here understood along Hart's "rule of recognition" According to which the validity of norms ultimately depends on the social practices of public officials. Though presumably uncontroversial that democratic peoples are entitled to remake the constitution, the powers of the people with respect to the substance of the law are nevertheless limited with respect to decisions of legal validity. The most basic rules in a legal system are not found in the constitution as they are the rules deciding what is to count as a legal norm within that system. They are more fundamental than the constitution because they also define what norms is the constitution legally speaking.

  • 71.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Institute for Futures Studies, Sweden.
    Power and future people’s freedom: intergenerational domination, climate change, and constitutionalism2016Ingår i: Journal of Political Power, ISSN 2158-379X, E-ISSN 2158-3803, Vol. 9, nr 2, s. 289-307Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Intergenerational domination is the idea that future people’s freedom is violated insofar as they are vulnerable to the capacity of the people living before them to interfere. This paper explores the extent to which intergenerational domination applies to two familiar phenomena: climate change and constitutionalism. The first part of the paper argues that the emission of greenhouse gases does not amount to intergenerational domination. Being hurt by climate change does not equal subjection to the capacity of previous generations to interfere. The second part argues that intergenerational domination is under certain conditions applicable to the relationship exemplified by political constitutionalism. Hence, this study shows that constitutional provisions introduced in order to protect future generations from climate change is more likely to contribute to rather than to protect them from intergenerational domination.

  • 72.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Rösträttsåldern och demokratinsavgränsningsproblem2018Ingår i: Demokratins framtid / [ed] Katarina Barrling; Sören Holmberg, stockholm: Sveriges Riksdag , 2018, s. 81-110Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 73.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Skyddet för den genetiska integriteten2004Ingår i: Genetikens möjligheter och problem / [ed] Tommy Möller, Stockholm: Pensionsforum , 2004Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 74.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Frontiers of Democracy: The Right to Vote and its Limits2009Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 75.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Subjects of Collectively Binding Decisions: Democratic Inclusion and Extraterritorial Law2014Ingår i: Ratio Juris, ISSN 0952-1917, E-ISSN 1467-9337, Vol. 27, nr 2, s. 252-270Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Citizenship and residency are basic conditions for political inclusion in a democracy. However, if democracy is premised on the inclusion of everyone subject to collectively binding decisions, the relevance of either citizenship or residency for recognition as a member of the polity is uncertain. The aim of this paper is to specify the conditions for being subject to collective decisions in the sense relevant to democratic theory. Three conceptions of what it means to be subject to collectively binding decisions are identified and examined, referring to those subject to legal duties and legal powers or to those subject to legal duties and state institutions. The contrast between them is most clearly illustrated in relation to non-residents, those not present in the territory of the state. The extraterritorial dimension of the law thus highlights a fundamental ambiguity in the theory of democracy concerning the extension of political rights.

  • 76.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Erman, EvaUppsala University, Sweden.
    Territories of Citizenship2012Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Territories of Citizenship explores citizenship transitions in light of increasedglobal interconnectedness, ethnic diversity, and migration. The focus of the book is two prone.The first part evaluates the ramifications of conventional citizenship within thetraditional physical and legal boundaries of the nation-state for the democracy of itsinhabitants. An important concern in the first part of the book is the effect on migration flowsand citizen mobility on citizenship. How should democracies view citizenship rights now thatsocieties increasingly include resident citizens, resident non-citizens, and naturalized citizens?And why is residence special for belonging to the political community? Chapters for this partof the book compare the duties of residents and citizens, ask why it matters for democraticdecision-making if its inhabitants have different forms of belonging to the politicalcommunity, and consider naturalization legislation from a normative democratic perspective.The chapters thus illustrate several democratic problems associated with traditional territorialcitizenship. Part two focuses on the potentials for new citizenship space and place beyond theterritorial confine of the nation-state. Its chapters concern the role of international institutionsand multilevel governance as guarantors of citizenship and both ask and answer questionsabout the prospect of empowering individuals and creating transnational public sphere andglobal solidarity in global governance. 

  • 77.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hultin Rosenberg, Jonas
    Freedom as Non-domination and Democratic Inclusion2018Ingår i: Res Publica, ISSN 1356-4765, E-ISSN 1572-8692, Vol. 24, nr 2, s. 181-198Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    According to neo-republicans, democracy is morally justified because it is among the prerequisites for freedom as non-domination. The claim that democracy secures freedom as non-domination needs to explain why democratic procedures contribute to non-domination and for whom democracy secures non-domination. This requires an account of why domination is countered by democratic procedures and an account of to whom domination is countered by access to democratic procedures. Neo-republican theory of democracy is based on a detailed discussion of the former but a scant discussion of the latter. We address this lacuna by interpreting the two most influential principles of inclusion, the all-subjected principle and the all-affected principle, in light of neo-republican commitments. The preliminary conclusion is that both principles are able to capture relations of domination between the democratic state and the people controlled by it in the relevant sense. Yet, the state has virtually unlimited powers to control residents, but only limited powers to interfere in the lives of non-residents. Republican aspirations are therefore more in tune with the all-subjected principle according to which only residents in the territory of the state should be granted rights to political participation.

  • 78.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mörkenstam, UlfStockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Politisk teori2016Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 79.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mörkenstam, Ulf
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Reinikainen, Jouni
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Popular Sovereignty, Globalization and Political Rights2016Ingår i: Portuguese Journal of Political Science, ISSN 1647-4090, nr 6, s. 155-178Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 80.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Uddhammar, Emil
    Virtues of independence and dependence on virtues.2003Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 81.
    Beckman, Ludvig
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Uggla, Fredrik
    Stockholms universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, Latinamerikainstitutet.
    An Ombudsman for Future Generations: Legitimate and Effective?2016Ingår i: Institutions For Future Generations / [ed] Iñigo González-Ricoy, Axel Gosseries, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016, s. 117-134Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 82.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan: Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context2009Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is often portrayed as a very secular country. Thus the mobilization of mosque communities in the late 1990s and their conflictual relationship with the authorities came as a surprise. The main aim of the dissertation is to shed light on this mobilization, focusing on the Sunni Abu Bakr and the Shi’ite Juma mosque communities in Baku. On the premise that Islamic mobilization may be interpreted as a “social movement”, internal, contextual and interactional aspects of mobilization have been studied. The analysis is chiefly based on interviews conducted in Baku in 2004/2005 with Imams, worshippers, religious and secular authorities. The study finds that young people looking for new approaches to religion have been drawn to these communities, where they encounter an independent, educated, conscientious clergy and, indeed, a “new” religion. This “sovereign” Islam does not go down well with authorities who fear politicization of religion. The Soviet heritage has provided them with a view of religion as something that should not be publicly displayed and with the institutions to control religion. Another key feature whose impact on state policy towards religious organizations cannot be underestimated is the fear of imported radicalism. A look at Islamic mobilization in North Caucasus, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reveals many similarities, yet one momentous difference is the harsher repression in these contexts, which decreases the chances of a non-radical mobilization. The thesis concludes that the role of the state in mobilization processes in non-democratic contexts is crucial but counterintuitive, as the regimes’ efforts to stop the mobilization of movements actually leads to its intensification. In Azerbaijan, official pressure brings community members closer together and strengthens their resolve, rather than putting an end to mobilization. It also puts a spotlight on these communities which lights up the way for others in search of something new.

  • 83.
    Behnke, Andreas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Re-presenting the West: NATO’s Security Discourse after the End of the Cold War2007Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is a critical investigation into the discursive processes through which the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has re-produced a geopolitical order, or nomos, after the end of the Cold War and the demise of its constitutive enemy, the Soviet Union. The thesis examines both the ontological as well as the epistemological aspects of these processes. It seeks to understand what new security relevant identities and spaces are defined in NATO’s discourse, as well as from what epistemic vantage point this new security political order is mapped and inscribed. More specifically, this thesis is based on the assumption that the continued existence and political relevance of the Alliance rests on its ability to re-produce ‘the West’ as a geo-cultural space that serves as its security referent object.

    The thesis concludes with a critical evaluation of NATO’s post-Cold War geopolitical order and the meta-theoretical commitments underlying its conception of security.

  • 84.
    Bengtsson, Carl
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Turkiskt trauma: En studie av Turkiets förändrade utrikespolitik2016Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 85.
    Berg, Heléne
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen.
    Dahlberg, Matz
    Vernby, Kåre
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Post-WWI military disarmament and interwar fascism in Sweden2019Ingår i: Historical Methods, ISSN 0161-5440, E-ISSN 1940-1906, Vol. 52, nr 1, s. 37-56Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The emergence of anti-democratic movements is a central puzzle to social science. We study a novel and rich historical dataset covering Swedish municipalities during the interwar years and find a strong link between the presence of a military garrison and the emergence of fascist parties. We interpret these results as suggesting that fascist mobilization in Sweden was driven by discontent with the process of disarmament brought about by democratization. In contrast, poor economic conditions, as captured both by levels of and changes in the local poverty rate and tax base, do not explain the strong link between the fascists and military garrisons. We relate these results to influential theories of democratization.

  • 86. Berg, Kjell
    Förändringsarbete inom förvaltningen: en praxis-pedagogisk ansats1991Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 87.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Civil Society in India: democratic space or extension of elite domination?2009Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 88.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Gender Relations and Democracy: The Conflict between Hindu Nationalist and Secular Forces in Indian Civil Society.2009Ingår i: Nationalism & Ethnic Politics, ISSN 1353-7113, E-ISSN 1557-2986, Vol. 15, nr 2, s. 141-159Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The Hindu nationalist movement has for the last decades tried to expand within the Indian civil society, and a part of their strategy has been to increase the support for their views on gender relations. This article focuses on this mobilization and the response to it from the autonomous women’s movement. It is suggested that the Hindu Nationalist groups have a very different view on gender relations compared to the main stream of the Indian women’s movement, and that the mobilization of the Hindutva forces has met with strong resistance. It is further argued that this resistance may contribute to the deepening and widening of the democratic space in India.

  • 89.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Globalization the Indian Way: the popular struggle against Coca-Cola in Plachimada, Kerala2010Ingår i: IKON Occasional Paper Series, ISSN ISBN: 978-967-5679-02-5, Vol. 3, nr 1, s. 1-15Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 90.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu nationalism and democracy2004Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Hindu nationalism and Democracy examines the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as one of the dominant forces within Indian politics. The ideology of the party is analyzed as a form of religious nationalism, with possible strains in its relation to the religious minorities of India. The book focuses on the position of the Muslim minority and analyzes the position of the BJP in relation to two issues with major importance within Indian politics: Uniform Civil Code - Shah Bano case and controversy in Ayodhya. Both issues have been studied on a national level and in a local study conducted in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh.

    On a theoretical level the book draws upon the discourse of nationalism theory. It also discusses the position of the BJP on minority versus majority rights in relation to the debate between liberals and communitarians, where the latter is a reaction against the liberal ideal of a neutral state, instead suggesting a political theory based on the specific values and traditions of each community. The party's position in the Shah Bano case and the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi controversy is best described as mono-communitarian, emphasizing Hindu supremacy at the expense of minority rights.

  • 91.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu Nationalism and the Quest for a Uniform Civil Code2005Ingår i: The Politics of Group Rights: The State and Multiculturalism / [ed] Ishtiaq Ahmed, Lanham: University Press of America , 2005, s. 169-188Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 92.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Hindu Political Thought2011Ingår i: The Encyclopedia of Political Science / [ed] Kurian, George Thomas, Washington D.C.: CQ Press , 2011Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 93.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholms universitet. Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    ”Including Women: Strategies of Mobilization within the Hindu nationalist movement”2009Ingår i: India Review, ISSN 1473-6489, E-ISSN 1557-3036, Vol. 8, nr 4, s. 385-403Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 94.
    Bergstroem, Carl-Fredrik
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet.
    Farrell, Henry
    Heritier, Adrienne
    Legislate or delegate?: Bargaining over implementation and legislative authority in the EU2007Ingår i: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 30, nr 2, s. 338-366Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explains how actors' ability to bargain successfully in order to advance their institutional preferences has changed over time as a function of the particular institutional context. Actors use their bargaining power under given institutional rules in order to shift the existing balance between legislation and delegation, and shift the rules governing delegation in their favour between formal treaty changes. A collective actor's preferences over delegation is a function of whether the actor has more ability to influence policy through delegation or through legislation. The degree to which a specific actor's preferences can prevail (in a setting in which different actors have different preferences) will depend upon its bargaining power under existing institutional rules, i.e. its ability to impede or veto policy in order to change the division between legislation and delegation and the rules of delegation. The primary focus in this article is on choice over procedure, i.e. the battles over whether or not delegation or legislation should be employed. A secondary focus is on change in procedure. The article examines the evolution of the debate over comitology and implementation over five key periods and scrutinises how actors within these periods have sought to shift the balance of legislation and delegation and the rules of delegation according to their preferences.

  • 95. Bexell, Magdalena
    et al.
    Tallberg, Jonas
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Uhlin, Anders
    Democracy in Global Governance: The Promises and Pitfalls of Transnational Actors2010Ingår i: Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, ISSN 1075-2846, E-ISSN 1942-6720, Vol. 16, nr 1, s. 81-101Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The participation of transnational actors in global policymaking is increasingly seen as a means to democratize global governance. Drawing on alternative theories of democracy and existing empirical evidence, we assess the promises and pitfalls of this vision. We explore how the structuring and operation of international institutions, public-private partnerships, and transnational actors themselves may facilitate expanded participation and enhanced accountability in global governance. We find considerable support for an optimistic verdict on the democratizing potential of transnational actor involvement, but also identify hurdles in democratic theory and the practice of global governance that motivate a more cautious outlook. In conclusion, we call for research that explores the conditions for democracy in global governance through a combination of normative political theory and positive empirical research.

  • 96.
    Birgersson, Bengt Owe
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Kommunen som serviceproducent.: Kommunal service och serviceattityder i 36 svenska kommuner.1975Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 97. Birgersson, Bengt Owe
    et al.
    Tarschys, DanielStockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Vem håller i rodret: uppsatser1978Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 98.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Basic Income Reconsidered: Social Justice, Liberalism, and the Demands of Equality2012 (uppl. 1)Bok (Refereegranskat)
  • 99.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Introduction: Basic Income, Sustainability and Post-Productivism2010Ingår i: Basic Income Studies, ISSN 1932-0183, Vol. 4, nr 2, s. Art 3-1-7Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 100.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Just Distribution: Rawlsian Liberalism and the Politics of Basic Income2008Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Should liberal egalitarians endorse the idea of an unconditional basic income for all? This thesis defends a politics of unconditional universalism, offering a liberty-respecting and non-perfectionist basis for maximin-guided policies. The argument starts off from a Rawlsian justification of basic income in the context of institutional ideal theory. This view is based on the aim of maximising the prospects of the least advantaged in ways consistent with a robust protection of people’s effective freedom, the social bases of self-respect and access to meaningful activities at each stage of their lives.

    The thesis then moves on to specify such a position in response to objections based on ideas of fair cooperation and strong reciprocity. Linking John Rawls’ arguments on property-owning democracy to Philippe Van Parijs’ case for ‘gift-equalisation’, the study defends the view that a basic income is not inherently exploitative or beyond the scope of justice. To the extent that unconditional universalism is tied to the idea of sharing gift-like resources, it is just a matter of distributing wealth to which nobody has a justified prior claim, not an unfair redistribution of labour income.

    Introducing a problem of feasibility, however, the thesis also argues that unconditional wealth sharing may fail to meet liberal commitments and to counter structural exploitation unless constrained by other requirements of justice. The latter include a minimal autonomy constraint on maximin-objectives and the set of in kind transfers and social infrastructure needed to foster the activities and virtues on which the stability of this ideal relies. The thesis concludes with a study on the application of such standards to real-world conditions. It is argued that policy options combining a modest basic income with work-based social insurance and universal access to social services are more promising than strategies where a high basic income would replace core components of the welfare state.

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