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  • 1.
    Aggestam, Lisbeth
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    A European foreign policy?: role conceptions and the politics of identity in Britain, France and Germany2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 2.
    Agné, Hans
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Democracy Reconsidered: Britain, France, Sweden, and the EU2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims.

    When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions.

    The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.

  • 3.
    Ahmed, Ishtiaq
    Stockholm University.
    The Concept of an Islamic State: An Analysis of the Ideological Controversy in Pakistan1985Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 4.
    Ahmedi, Idris
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Remaking of American Strategy toward Iran and Iraq: Outline of a Theory of Foreign Policy Change2013Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This study sets out to develop a realist-constructivist theory of foreign policy change. The theory claims that whenever policymakers believe that the distribution of power favors an expansive grand strategy or necessitates retrenchment, they will act accordingly. Similarly, when policymakers revise their images of other states – that is, whether they view them as hostile or friendly – change in existing strategy will follow.

    The historical record of the (re)making of American strategy toward the Persian Gulf lends support to the theory. After having relied on pro-American Iran to balance Iraq in the region in the 1970s, Washington “tilted” toward Iraq to prevent post-revolutionary Islamic Iran from achieving victory in the ensuing war between the two regional powers in the 1980s. This offshore balancing strategy during the Cold War bipolar distribution of power gave way to the simultaneous containment of these regional adversaries in the post-Cold War unipolar era. However, some years after the adoption of this new strategy, it underwent a shift. Whereas concerted efforts were made to normalize relations with Iran after the presidential victory of a “reformist” candidate, Mohammad Khatami, the Clinton administration eventually adopted regime change as official policy toward Iraq. In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks on American soil, the George W. Bush administration endorsed a strategy of forcible regime change and democracy promotion, leading to the invasion of Iraq in 2003.

    Over time, U.S. strategy toward these two regional powers has become more expansive – from offshore balancing limited to checking their outward expansion, to containment aimed at facilitating alteration in their policies, to outright regime change policy. However, with the erosion of unipolarity and the superpower’s retrenchment in the Middle East, we may witness a return to offshore balancing in combination with containment of a perceived hostile Iran. 

  • 5.
    Akwetey, Emmanuel Obliteifio
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Trade unions and democratisation: a comparative study of Zambia and Ghana1994Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Alnevall, Christina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Women’s Discursive Representation: Women as Political Representatives, Mothers, and Victims of Men’s Violence in the Mexican Parliament2020Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines how Mexican women political representatives are constituted through parliamentary language in the national Chamber of Deputies during a time when compulsory electoral gender quotas are introduced. Women’s political representation has increased considerably worldwide, due to gender quotas or laws requiring guaranteed seats for women. Mexico, which is the case studied in the dissertation, is one example where a significant growth in the number of elected female politicians have increased due to an electoral quota law. However, despite this development women parliamentarians are still reported to face obstacles when in office. Drawing on the ‘representative claims’ theory and critical discourse studies, this study seeks to understand how constructions of women hinder as well as provide opportunities for female politicians. The dissertation develops a theoretical and methodological framework that makes it possible to identify and analyze the representative claims and the subject positions that are constituted by these claims.

    The empirical section analyzes records of debates in the Mexican parliaments from two periods, one before and one after the implementation of the 2002 electoral quota law, which is a major change in the Mexican political system. The construction of the three subject positions women as representatives, women as mothers and women as victims of men’s violence are detailed. Focusing on the constitutive aspects of representation, as the dissertation seeks to understand how the construction of these three subject positions affect what female politicians can say and do in parliament.

    Previous research on women’s political representation has offered a rich understanding of descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation. This study broadens the field further by introducing the discursive representation approach, which contribute to the understanding of the obstacles women politicians (still) meet. The study uncovers how Mexican women are situated in a political context dominated by men, in which they constantly have to negotiate their presence.

  • 7.
    Alpay, Sahin
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Turkar i Stockholm: En studie av invandrare, politik och samhälle1980Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 8.
    Andersson, Catrin
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Tudelad trots allt: dualismens överlevnad i den svenska staten 1718-19872004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    On May 1, 1720 the Swedish Riksdag took a seemingly peripheral decision which would however prove to have great and enduring consequences for the organization of the country’s central state administration. The model adopted then is today often referred to as the ‘dualism’ of the Swedish state. In international comparison this dualism – expressed primarily in the organizational division between a set of quite small ministries and a large number of autonomous government agencies in combination with the constitutional prohibition of individual ministers to issue authoritative orders to the agencies – is probably unique.

    This dualism has been characterized as “one of the great mysteries of Swedish political life” and one aspect of this mysteriousness concerns its very longevity. The main research question of this thesis is why this model has been able to survive for such a long period despite the heavy and recurring critique that has been levelled at it. Through analyses of the public debate on the issue of the dualist character of the Swedish state during four selected periods (1809-1829, 1905-1920, 1963-1972 and 1983-1987) when the critical voices have been particularly loud and articulate, a systematic picture is provided of both the participants and the argument of the debates. It is shown that critics of dualism have blamed it for being “anti-democratic”, “antiquated”, and “a threat against the rule of law” while defenders of dualism have often portrayed it as “modern”, “effective”, and “a guarantee for the rule of law”.

    The answer to the main research question of why the political institution of dualism has persisted for so long may briefly be summarized in the statement that it has survived by changing. In theoretical terms the thesis is inspired by historical institutionalism, a tradition which has so far mostly contributed to our understanding of institutional stability. Recently, however, theoretical developments in historical institutionalism have rather aimed at an improved analysis of change. This thesis appropriates these new ideas, especially those developed by political scientist Kathleen Thelen, in the analysis of Swedish dualism. In particular the two concepts of institutional conversion and institutional layering are tested. In the thesis it is argued that the new analytical tools were indeed instrumental in understanding and explaining institutional change but also that further elaboration of them seems necessary. Using a both longitudinal and process-oriented approach focussing on the arguments of the actors this thesis has contributed to such an elaboration of the tools for the analysis of change within the tradition of historical institutionalism.

  • 9.
    Andersson, Monica
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Politik och stadsbyggande: Modernismen och byggnadslagstiftningen2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this dissertation is to describe, understand and explain the role of modernism in Swedish urban planning, and analyze if modernist urban planning ideas influenced building legislation in ways that can explain the structural changes of our cities during post-war period. Earlier epochs were characterized by intense construction of working-class housing in garden cities and large courtyard housing blocks with double-sided lighting in residences.

       The dissertation has been carried out within the tradition of historical institutionalism with a counterfactual approach. It covers the time from 1928 to the present with a focus on the period 1928-1975. The object of study is the formal regulations in building legislation. The central analytical instruments are formative moments and path dependence. A formative moment should be characterized by uncertainty, significance and unpredictability. Path dependence is studied with the help of theories of experience-based learning and the power of bureaucracy. 

       The dissertation shows that modernist ideas were written into the building code of 1931 in accordance with functional partitioning and a diagram by Walter Gropius from the 1920s calling for relative distances between houses, the longer the higher houses, and direct sunlight on facades, permitting one-sided lighting in residences. Instead of prevailing praxis, cities were built in conformity with principles of buildings-in-the-park with slab blocks. These regulations were gradually tightened over time and also guided redevelopment policy. In the sixties higher slab blocks and tower blocks began to be frequently built and functional partitioning assumed a unique guiding role in traffic policy and urban planning. Starting in the middle of the 1970s, modernist ideas gradually were dismissed in government policy.

       Leading modernist architects where driving forces in the formative moment, supported by the Association of Property Owners. Their colleagues could, in the path dependent process, augment the modernist ideas by virtue of their profession. They led state agencies, participated in commissions on building legislation and wrote referral comments on proposals, as well as sitting on building committees together with building contractors, entrepreneurs and construction workers.

  • 10.
    Angerbrandt, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Placing Conflict: Religion and politics in Kaduna State, Nigeria2015Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Decentralisation and federalism are often said to mitigate conflict by better meeting the preferences of a heterogeneous population and demands for limited autonomy. But it is argued in this thesis that this perspective does not sufficiently address the ways in which conflict-ridden relations entangle processes across different scales ‒ local, regional as well as national. The aim of this thesis is to explain how it is that while decentralisation may contribute to national stability, it may simultaneously generate local conflict. This problem is analysed through a conflict in Kaduna State in north-central Nigeria where there have been outbreaks of violence between Hausa-Fulani Muslims and Christians of different ethnicities since the 1980s. Christian ethnic groups claim to be excluded from state benefits, while Muslim groups claim that Christians have undue influence over the state bureaucracy. The conflict feeds off ethnic and religious mobilisation. Expanded local political space further fuelled the conflict following the decentralisation that came with the shift from military to civilian rule in 1999. Decentralisation in Nigeria implies that the authorities should be associated with the majority ethnicity or religion in a specific territory. A localisation of politics accordingly raises the stakes in identity-based conflicts, especially as control of local institutions is necessary for inclusion in wider political processes. In Kaduna, this has led to demands for separating the state on a religious and ethnic basis. Actors make use of “scalar politics” to conform to or challenge boundaries set by the state. Social relations are associated with different boundaries.  Accordingly, decentralisation triggers conflicts on an identity basis, involving contestation over the hierarchy of scales. While national struggles between ethnic and religious groups may be subdued, conflicts play out locally as decentralisation in Nigeria makes religion and ethnicity a powerful tool for political mobilisation.

  • 11.
    Bartonek, Leo
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Der Topos "Nähe": Ernst Blochs Eintrittsstelle in die Sozialwissenschaften : ein Beitrag zur Ontologie der modernen Gesellschaft1992Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The present age is a time of major societal change in which the social sciences are again faced with three key problems: the relationship between the social science and societal reality, the elaboration of a meaningful concept of human agency, and the need to incorporate a temporal dimension into theories of the interaction between institutional structures and human agents.

    Against this background I discuss in the first part of the thesis the work of three theorists - Jiirgen Habermas, Pierre Bourdieu, and Anthony Giddens - who all share the ambition to overcome traditional dichotomies In social and political thought: the social versus the individual, the static versus the dynamic, objectivism versus subjectivism, freedom versus determination. None of the three, I argue, succeeds in providing a satisfactory solution to these key problems. In particular, they fail to account adequately for the time factor.

    In the second part of the thesis I present an alternative point of departure for grasping reality, one based on Ernst Bloch’s ontology in which the notion of time holds a central position. This permits us to launch our conceptual strategy from a specific point in history, the present, which is the crucial point in the continual process of social becoming. Thus social reality, understood as a process, is constantly produced and reproduced through everyday human practice. Based on this ontological foundation, the concept of social context, the relation between structure and human agency, is an essentially open one and for this reason, it is possible to explain both social change and stability.

  • 12.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan: Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is often portrayed as a very secular country. Thus the mobilization of mosque communities in the late 1990s and their conflictual relationship with the authorities came as a surprise. The main aim of the dissertation is to shed light on this mobilization, focusing on the Sunni Abu Bakr and the Shi’ite Juma mosque communities in Baku. On the premise that Islamic mobilization may be interpreted as a “social movement”, internal, contextual and interactional aspects of mobilization have been studied. The analysis is chiefly based on interviews conducted in Baku in 2004/2005 with Imams, worshippers, religious and secular authorities. The study finds that young people looking for new approaches to religion have been drawn to these communities, where they encounter an independent, educated, conscientious clergy and, indeed, a “new” religion. This “sovereign” Islam does not go down well with authorities who fear politicization of religion. The Soviet heritage has provided them with a view of religion as something that should not be publicly displayed and with the institutions to control religion. Another key feature whose impact on state policy towards religious organizations cannot be underestimated is the fear of imported radicalism. A look at Islamic mobilization in North Caucasus, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reveals many similarities, yet one momentous difference is the harsher repression in these contexts, which decreases the chances of a non-radical mobilization. The thesis concludes that the role of the state in mobilization processes in non-democratic contexts is crucial but counterintuitive, as the regimes’ efforts to stop the mobilization of movements actually leads to its intensification. In Azerbaijan, official pressure brings community members closer together and strengthens their resolve, rather than putting an end to mobilization. It also puts a spotlight on these communities which lights up the way for others in search of something new.

  • 13.
    Behnke, Andreas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Re-presenting the West: NATO’s Security Discourse after the End of the Cold War2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is a critical investigation into the discursive processes through which the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has re-produced a geopolitical order, or nomos, after the end of the Cold War and the demise of its constitutive enemy, the Soviet Union. The thesis examines both the ontological as well as the epistemological aspects of these processes. It seeks to understand what new security relevant identities and spaces are defined in NATO’s discourse, as well as from what epistemic vantage point this new security political order is mapped and inscribed. More specifically, this thesis is based on the assumption that the continued existence and political relevance of the Alliance rests on its ability to re-produce ‘the West’ as a geo-cultural space that serves as its security referent object.

    The thesis concludes with a critical evaluation of NATO’s post-Cold War geopolitical order and the meta-theoretical commitments underlying its conception of security.

  • 14.
    Berglund, Henrik
    Stockholm University.
    Hindu nationalism and democracy: a study of the political theory and practice of the Bharatiya Janata Party2000Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 15.
    Birgersson, Bengt Owe
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Kommunen som serviceproducent.: Kommunal service och serviceattityder i 36 svenska kommuner.1975Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 16.
    Birnbaum, Simon
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Just Distribution: Rawlsian Liberalism and the Politics of Basic Income2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Should liberal egalitarians endorse the idea of an unconditional basic income for all? This thesis defends a politics of unconditional universalism, offering a liberty-respecting and non-perfectionist basis for maximin-guided policies. The argument starts off from a Rawlsian justification of basic income in the context of institutional ideal theory. This view is based on the aim of maximising the prospects of the least advantaged in ways consistent with a robust protection of people’s effective freedom, the social bases of self-respect and access to meaningful activities at each stage of their lives.

    The thesis then moves on to specify such a position in response to objections based on ideas of fair cooperation and strong reciprocity. Linking John Rawls’ arguments on property-owning democracy to Philippe Van Parijs’ case for ‘gift-equalisation’, the study defends the view that a basic income is not inherently exploitative or beyond the scope of justice. To the extent that unconditional universalism is tied to the idea of sharing gift-like resources, it is just a matter of distributing wealth to which nobody has a justified prior claim, not an unfair redistribution of labour income.

    Introducing a problem of feasibility, however, the thesis also argues that unconditional wealth sharing may fail to meet liberal commitments and to counter structural exploitation unless constrained by other requirements of justice. The latter include a minimal autonomy constraint on maximin-objectives and the set of in kind transfers and social infrastructure needed to foster the activities and virtues on which the stability of this ideal relies. The thesis concludes with a study on the application of such standards to real-world conditions. It is argued that policy options combining a modest basic income with work-based social insurance and universal access to social services are more promising than strategies where a high basic income would replace core components of the welfare state.

  • 17.
    Björsne, Roland
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Populism och ekopolitik.: Utvecklandet av en ekopolitisk ideologi i Norge och dess relationer till ett mångtydigt populismbegrepp.1979Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 18.
    Blomdahl, Mikael
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Political Use of Force: Beyond National Security Considerations as a Source of American Foreign Policy2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In addressing the question of what explains the tendency of the presidents of the United States to use military force on many occasions to solve international problems the realist perspective has been strongly dominant in political science. This study sets out to address and challenge whether what may be called realist privilege still qualifies as an understanding of this American phenomenon. The key research question is to investigate whether or not the understanding of the U.S. use of force can be reduced to international factors solely. This study presents the argument that perspectives or theories that do not consider and cover domestic political processes and factors in their explanations must be regarded as incomplete. Two frameworks based on realism and domestic politics are developed and used in order to answer why U.S. presidents use military force at the international level. The author applies a decision-making approach derived from foreign policy analysis in order to compare and examine the U.S. missile actions against Libya in 1986, Iraq in 1993 and Sudan and Afghanistan in 1998. This study finds clear support for the significance of domestic political factors for the understanding of the U.S. use of force. This work concludes that since domestic political factors matter, even at times of heightened concern about national security, this contradicts and poses a serious challenge to realists’ assumptions regarding the motives of states. When using a decision-making approach that opens the so-called black box, the book demonstrates that domestic political factors, such as the U.S. Congress and American public constrain presidents when authorizing the use of force. To reduce the understanding of the U.S. use of force to international factors solely is, therefore, to overlook significant contributions from the U.S. domestic political context as a source of the presidential use of force.

  • 19.
    Blomgren, Mattias
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. 1995.
    Sverigedemokraterna, radikala högerpopulister? : En studie av åsiktsförändringar hos Sverigedemokraterna.2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study aims to understand whether the Sweden Democrats has been and is a radical right-wing populist party. Both quantitative content analysis and ideal type analysis is used as methods to fulfil the study’s purpose. A second objective with this study is also to investigate if the Sweden Democrats have changed their policy positions over time. The material that will be used is party programs, election manifestos and speeches from the party leader.

    The results of the study research were that the Sweden Democrats can, and all through its history, be defined as a radical right-wing populist party. This is because of the party’s timeless focus on nativism, populism and authoritarianism. However, there has been a clear switch in the radicalness of the policy positions from the 1990ies to the new millennium. For example, in 1996 the Sweden Democrats wanted to send out all immigrants from Sweden who came outside of Europe after 1970 while today they are talking about “responsible and limited immigration”. The result of the study is that the Sweden Democrats has not gone although with a mainstreaming process, hence they have started becoming more mainstream than before. Although they cannot be classified as a mainstream party considering there resistant against immigration and other radical positions.

    Nyckelord

    Sverigedemokraterna, radikal högerpopulism, mainstreaming, exkluderande nationalism, populism, auktoritära värderingar 

  • 20.
    Boréus, Kristina
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences.
    Högervåg: nyliberalismen och kampen om språket i svensk debatt 1969-19891994Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 21.
    Bremberg, Niklas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Exploring the Dynamics of Security Community-Building in the Post-Cold War Era: Spain, Morocco and the European Union2012Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis aims to make a theoretical as well as an empirical contribution to the debate on the security community concept in International Relations (IR) by way of conducting a study of the European Union (EU) as a security community-building institution in the case of Spain and Morocco. The security community concept originally sought to define the conditions under which the threat of inter-state war would be mitigated through social transaction and expectations of peaceful change between societies and states. However, in the post-Cold War era, the challenge is rather to understand how security communities emerge and expand at a time when armed conflicts among states have become less frequent compared to other non-military threats and trans-boundary risks (e.g. terrorism, failed states, organized crime, pandemics, climate change). The argument of this thesis is that the role of international organizations and the changing notion of security need to be taken into account when re-thinking the concept. Drawing on constructivism in IR, especially the notion of communities of practice, the thesis suggests a framework to study how security communities work in the post-Cold War era focusing on the mechanisms of crisis management, transgovernmental networks and multilateral venues. The framework is used to study the EU as a security community-building institution in the case of Spain (member state) and Morocco (non-member), and in the fields of trade, security and defence and civil protection. The main finding of the thesis, which carries broader implications for the debate on security communities in IR, is that the EU has contributed to broadening the repertoire of cooperative security practices between Spain and Morocco, not necessarily through fostering collective identity but by supporting the development of communities of practitioners whom increasingly share a notion of military and civilian crisis management to counter non-military threats and trans-boundary risks.

  • 22.
    Britz, Malena
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Europeanization of Defence Industry Policy2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Drawing from both European integration theory and new institutional organisation theory, this study investigates the Europeanization of the defence industry policy area from 1989-2001, with a special focus on developments in Sweden. Among other things, the study shows how a European defence industry market has begun to emerge as an industrially-led but politically-sanctioned process, made possible through a re-structuring of the defence industry at the same time as European rules have been created in order to facilitate the common production of defence equipment. Increased integration of this policy area has been possible because of a change of the dominant norms, where the defence industry has more and more come to be seen as an issue of economy than before. It also shows how the issue of the supply of defence equipment emerged as a political issue in Sweden in the mid-1990s and that there was a slight change in the view of how security can be obtained: not only through self-sufficiency in defence equipment production but also through collaboration. The relationships between the actors in the traditional “Swedish model” changed, as some actors developed in a more European context than others; and where actor identities could no longer be taken for granted. The Swedish Defence Materiel Administration has undergone several re-organisations in the time period studied, partially as a consequence of a Europeanization of the policy area, but more as a consequence of a more general trend of “marketisation” of the state administration. This trend, which was not unique to Sweden, appears to have worked as a mediating factor, enabling the increased integration of the policy area. This also implies a very close connection between European integration and Europeanization, where Europeanization in this case has enabled a more formal integration process.

  • 23.
    Bäck, Henry
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den utrikespolitiska dagordningen: Makt, protest och internationella frågor i svensk politik 1965-19731979Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 24.
    Carbin, Maria
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Mellan tystnad och tal: Flickor och hedersvåld i svensk offentlig politik2010Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the contestations around the question of how violence against young women from ethnic minorities was articulated in Swedish public policy debates from 1995-2008. One core question investigated in this study is how the “new” problem of co called honour killings is categorised and understood within gender equality policies against violence and policies of immigrant integration. The thesis explores how different discourses compete and negotiate to make sense of the violence and try to stabilise meaning. Another aim of the thesis concerns the construction of available subject positions for young women, and the potential effects in terms of possibilities and restrictions for subjects to speak politically. The research material consists of parliamentary debates, major government documents, official government inquiries into integration and gender equality, as well as documents from the Swedish Integration Board and the County Administrative Boards. The analysis draws upon discourse theory and feminist postcolonial theory to explore what positions are made available to young women in policy discourses. Four competing discourses are identified: a multicultural discourse, a discourse of value-clashes, a discourse of structural discrimination and finally a gender power-discourse. However, in policies against honour related violence the violence is primarily understood as originating in a cultural and value-based heritage of certain immigrant communities. This study furthermore illustrates how girls are required to speak and make testimonies on their situation. The ways the stories of the girls are used make them into boundary markers between Swedish and non-Swedish. It is argued that letting the girls speak and listen to them might make it possible to understand some of the potential problems they face. Nevertheless, it might not form an agenda for changing the bigger political picture.

  • 25.
    Cisneros Örnberg, Jenny
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Centre for Social Research on Alcohol and Drugs (SoRAD).
    The Europeanization of Swedish Alcohol Policy2009Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this dissertation is to study the Europeanization of Swedish alcohol policy from 1995-2006. It analyses the development of Swedish and European alcohol policy and answers the following research questions: How has alcohol policy developed on the national and the EU level during this period? What are the Swedish alcohol policy initiatives on the EU level? What does the interplay between Swedish and European policy processes look like? Of interest for this dissertation is also how the Swedish view on alcohol policy has been received on EU level.

    The dissertation comprises four related articles and an introductory chapter. In the articles official documents and interviews are analyzed in the context of the literature on Europeanization, using the concepts framing, narrative and new modes of governance. Article I explores the history of negotiations between Sweden and the EU on the traveller’s allowances question. Article II and III analyse how Swedish authorities, first through research and later through formal policy-making during the Swedish Presidency, tried to reframe alcohol on the EU-level. Finally, the fourth article is a comparative analysis of the Nordic retail monopolies, analyzing how the monopolies have developed and reacted to national and international pressures on their activities.

    The dissertation shows that Swedish authorities have influenced the EU level by putting alcohol on the agenda, and offered pressure and economic support to make sure that alcohol as a public health question has become and been kept as a prioritized question. This development is, however, nested inside the changing scope and emphasis of the EU. The emergence of a European alcohol policy as a public health-oriented process has been made possible through a new focus on the EU level, with increased cooperation between member states and a trend toward harmonization of policy and frames when it comes to alcohol.

  • 26.
    Cricenti, Pasquale
    Stockholm University.
    Mellan privilegier och fattigdom: om italiensk demokrati och socialpolitik ur ett välfärdsstatsperspektiv2000Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation analyses the development of democracy and the pension system in Italy in relation to the goals of a welfare state. The aim of the thesis is to determine whether Italian democracy and social policy (through the study of a specific case: the pension system) have moved towards greater equality or whether old privileges and inequalities still remain.

    The thesis examines the development of democracy in relation to three models - exclusive, semi-inclusive and inclusive democracy - and of the pension system in relation to three models of social policy - marginal, meritocratic (or corporative) and universal social policy. Of these, inclusive democracy and universal social policy contain the prerequisites of a welfare state. The framework of this thesis is based on the power-resources approach with a corrective borrowed from the Gramscian theory of class hegemony.

    An intra-regional (within the sphere of an intra-national context) comparative method is adopted with an emphasis on class and gender both within and between regions. With this method it is possible to determine the degree of equality in the country with respect to class and gender and to confirm whether this is due to regional differences in economic development or to a special type of politics.

    In both scholarly and political contexts it is often claimed that, owing to the ideology of the Christian Democratic Party and the Catholic Church, the Italian welfare state is a conservative one, and further that this party has used social policy to develop strong patronage structures and a political clientele.

    This study concludes that democracy and the pension system in Italy have not moved towards the ideals of a welfare state, that class and gender inequality are still strong, and that these inequalities cannot be explained by regional economic differences. The findings do not confirm that the existing state of affairs in Italy can be attributed solely to the long period of Christian Democratic governance but show that the Italian left - the socialist parties and the Italian Communist Party - are co-responsible for the development of politics towards privilege and patronage and consequently for pension schemes.

    The political traditions and institutions of the nineteenth century are still in force in Italy. The study concludes that, in spite of formal political rights, the Italian democracy is still a backward one; political power is monopolised and used as a system of patronage to create a political clientele by the same social forces within the bourgeoisie as at the beginning of democratic development. With respect to political rules, the labour market and the development of the pension system, the findings show that class inequalities and corporative and patriarchal relations still predominate in Italian society.

  • 27.
    Dahl, Svend
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Efter folkrörelsepartiet: Om aktivism och politisk förändring i tre svenska riksdagspartier2011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The relationship between a party leadership and party activists is often illustrated by the use of John May’s "Law of curvilinear opinion structures in political parties", i.e. the idea that mid-level party activists are assumed to be more radical than both party sympathisers and the party elite. This tension between party leadership and party activists can be assumed to lead to a restriction on the party leadership’s freedom of action.

    However, in recent years we have seen a number of examples where political parties have made major realignments of their own policies without any substantial internal conflicts. Given the role assigned to conditions for involvement in the formulation of May's Law it appears reasonable to look in that direction when trying to understand these changes.

    This study covers the Moderate Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Green Party in Sweden.

    The offer made by the parties to their members can be understood in terms of collective goods, such as ideological and political community, and selective goods, such as elected offices.

    This thesis shows how the political involvement for the interviewed party activists is intimately linked to selective goods. This finding can help us to understand ideological and political changes in present-day parties.

    If, as a party activist, one is attracted by the opportunities to become an elected representative or the opportunities to exercise political power, it is reasonable to imagine that one will be more inclined to support actions that increase the opportunity to enjoy these goods. Since both the party leadership and the party activists are attracted by the selective goods offered by the party organisation, the conflict between these groups decreases, as both groups are focused on winning elections and exercising political power. The result of this study therefore provides grounds for questioning the ideas of a tension between party activists and party leaderships.

  • 28.
    Dahlberg, Lena
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Welfare Relationships: Voluntary organisations and local authorities supporting relatives of older people in Sweden2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Sweden is often described as a country with a strong welfare state and little voluntary work. This is as would be expected according to substitution theory, in which extensive welfare systems are assumed to crowd out voluntary activity and thereby limit the potential for voluntary work – there is an inverse relationship between voluntary and statutory activity. A second perspective is welfare pluralism, which is siginified by a purposive duplication of activity by different actors resulting in increased choice for service users. A third perspective is offered by complementarity theory. In this theory, different actors are assumed to have different characteristics, strengths, and weaknesses, which make them suitable for performing different tasks.

    The purpose of the thesis is to examine the variation in welfare service provision by voluntary organisations and local authorities in Sweden. This includes determining whether there is a statistical association between voluntary and statutory service provision. The thesis also explores the interaction between voluntary organisations and local authorities, that is how they are related in terms of collaboration, competition, support, and influence, and the actors’ own views on roles, responsibilities, motives etc.

    The thesis is based on two national surveys and on in-depth interviews. Questionnaires were sent to 358 Swedish voluntary organisations in 1999, and 365 organisations in 2002. At the same time points, 80 local authorities were also surveyed. In 2001, 55 representatives of voluntary organisations and local authorities were interviewed.

    Analysis of the surveys showed no negative relationship between voluntary and statutory service provision cross-sectionally or over time. This was true for both the total amount of activity and when considering individual services. In other words, no evidence for substitution processes was found.

    Although there was an increase in support for relatives in the period studied and a positive relationship between voluntary and statutory activity in 2002, no positive correlation was found within individual support activities. This means that voluntary and statutory activities tended to be of different kinds at a local level. Only rarely could users choose between different service providers, and the situation could not be characterised as indicative of welfare pluralism.

    Voluntary organisations and local authorities were described in terms of different characteristics by interviewees, as would be expected by complementarity theory. Nevertheless, there were overlaps in service provision, questioning the validity of complementarity theory with its emphasis on matching of characteristics and tasks.

    However, at a local level voluntary organisations and local authorities rarely carried out similar tasks. There is thus extensive complementarity at a local level. It is argued that this complementarity is due to the strong ideology that voluntary organisations should complement local authorities, rather than due to the different characteristics of the actors.

  • 29.
    Daléus, Pär
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Politisk ledarskapsstil: Om interaktionen mellan personlighet och institutioner i utövandet av det svenska statsministerämbetet2012Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation examines key characteristics and factors shaping the leadership style of Swedish Prime Ministers (PMs). Based on the research of the American presidency, an interactionist framework is developed which draws upon institutional theory and political psychological theory. The analysis is advanced by exploring multiple sources and is based on four cases of leadership styles:  two single party Social Democratic PMs, Ingvar Carlsson and Göran Persson, as well as two center/right coalition PMs, Thorbjörn Fälldin and Carl Bildt. Leadership style is studied through a focused comparison of the PMs’ performance of four functions. Thus, the four PMs are studied as staffers and organizers of the cabinet and the Government Offices, decision makers, communicators and crisis managers. The results indicate that the office of the PM is elastic, accommodating a wide-ranging variation of leadership styles. The Social Democratic PMs display the most uniform leadership styles, but, rather surprisingly, they also have the most dissimilar leadership styles among the four cases. The center/right PMs’ approaches differ to a great extent from one another, displaying mixed forms of leadership styles. The analysis explains how the PMs’ leadership styles are shaped based on the interaction between their distinct personal characteristics and surrounding institutions. Thus, the dissertation concludes that leadership theories developed in a presidential setting are largely applicable in a parliamentary setting and that political behavior is not dictated by institutions such as formal structures or norms. The results encourage a reassessment of how personality, as an explanatory factor, is applied in mainstream political science. Furthermore, the analysis highlights the need for reconsidering the presidentialisation thesis and the notion of dominant leadership as there are alternative pathways to prime ministerial influence which are disregarded in the debate.  

  • 30.
    Doeser, Fredrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    In Search of Security After the Collapse of the Soviet Union: Foreign Policy Change in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, 1988-19932008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to explain the evolution of foreign policy in Denmark, Finland and Sweden with regard to Western security cooperation between 1988 and 1993. The study sets out to test two theoretical perspectives on the security cooperation policies of these three small states. The external political perspective is based on the idea that foreign policy is determined by the challenges of a state’s external political environment. The domestic political perspective is based on the idea that phenomena at the domestic level of the state have an impact on how governments cope with external constraints. The primary theoretical ambition is to integrate the findings from these two analyses in order to further an understanding of the mechanisms of foreign policy change in small states.

    In order to study the relationship between the environment and foreign policy change, the author applies a perceptual approach, which means that his intention is to explain foreign policy action on the basis of the perceptions actors have of the environment.

    The author draws a number of conclusions with regard to the mechanisms of foreign policy change. First, a perceptual approach is needed in order to analyze a state’s specific responses to international political change. Second, domestic factors are not only important for foreign policy in general but also for the evolution of security cooperation policy in small states under conditions of fundamental shift in the international system. Third, it is possible to attribute some degree of relative explanatory power to external factors and to assign a range of different roles to domestic factors. Fourth, governments of Western democratic small states pay relatively equal attention to external and domestic considerations when making their foreign policies. However, depending on the situation, the relative potency of external and domestic factors can vary.

  • 31.
    Duit, Andreas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Tragedins institutioner: svenskt offentligt miljöskydd under trettio år2002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 32.
    Edling, Max
    Stockholm University.
    A revolution in favour of government: the American constitution and ideas about state formation, 1787-17882000Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation analyses the debate over the ratification of the American Constitution between the Federalists, who supported the Constitution's adoption, and the Antifederalists, who opposed adoption. It challenges the traditional interpretation of the Federalist persuasion as primarily concerned with limited government and minority rights. Instead, it reveals a neglected aspect of Federalist thought by placing it in the context of early modern state formation. Far from being concerned with limits to government, the Federalists aimed to create a potentially powerful national state. With the adoption of the Constitution the central functions of the early modern state, i. e. war making and resource extraction, were transferred from the states to the national government. The fiscal and military powers of the new government were in every important respect unlimited and the institutional impediment made up by the state legislatures was removed. The Constitution created a state which held all the powers of the contemporary European 'fiscal-military states' in reserve. Yet it also created a state very different from the states of Europe.

    The political traditions and institutions of eighteenth-century America were averse to strong centralised government. In the debate over ratification this aversion was expressed by the Constitution's opponents. To provide an argument in support of the adoption of the Constitution, the Federalists had to show that it was possible to create a state that was both powerful and able to respect popular aversion to government. An important step towards the solution of this dilemma was federalism, which allowed the centralisation of only certain specified powers. Federalism would create a state focused on the fiscal-military sphere, but it said nothing about how to extract resources without exerting unacceptable pressure on the citizens. Here the solution offered lay in statecraft, which would create a national government that was both light and inconspicuous. It would be light in the sense that its demands would not press too heavily on the people and it would be inconspicuous in the sense that its actual physical presence would be limited. In short, the Federalists promised the benefits of government without its costs.

  • 33.
    Ehn, Peter
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Maktens administratörer: ledande svenska statstjänstemäns och politikers syn på tjänstemannarollen i ett förändringsperspektiv1998Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The overall theme for this dissertation is the position of higher Swedish civil servants in the borderland between politics and administration and between flexibility, loyalty, impartiality, and autonomy. An important assumption is that the attitudes and beliefs are especially significant in a system such as the Swedish, where civil servants may act under conditions of substantial autonomy. The dissertation is based on interviews with higher civil servants and a sample of members of the Swedish parliament. Among the civil servants the study is limited to the higher echelons in the national public administration - undersecretaries of state, assistant undersecretaries of state, and director-generals of administrative agencies. The study is comparative - comparisons are made between 1971/73 and 1990. The central instruments of analysis consist of three role conceptions of civil servants. They are constructed from three fundamental coordinating principles and are designated the judicial, the political and the market-oriented civil servant roles. In a second step, the theoretical role typology is adapted to "the practice" which is manifested in the Swedish public administration's development in a longer perspective.

    How the role of the civil servants in the political system was perceived, as well as the political positions, was found to be dependent on the positions of the interviewees in the politico-administrative system. This meant that the undersecretaries, irrespective of role perception, found themselves farthest to the left among the studied groups, then followed by the assistant undersecretaries and farthest right the director-generals. An exception to this rule was the politically-oriented director-generals, who were left of all the assistant undersecretaries irrespective of role perception and even to the left of the judicially-oriented undersecretaries. An important observation was that the market-oriented role of civil servants had strengthened its position over time. It could also be observed in 1990 that the undersecretaries were clearly different from their colleagues in 1971 through applying more of a political perspective of the civil servant role. The analyses showed that among the non-political civil servants - the assistant undersecretaries - the political role model had a strong position at both interview occasions. Furthermore, both politicians and civil servants showed a more negative attitude to politics and the administration. The higher civil servants had begun to waiver somewhat in their belief in themselves and the capacity of the state. The analyses of the role perception of the MPs showed that their opinions were closely connected with their political affiliation. Among social democrats and members from the Left Party (the former Communist party), the political role conception was dominating at both times and among non-socialists the judicial. An important observation when dealing with the views of the members of parliament was how surprisingly unfamiliar politicians were with the work of the public administation.

  • 34.
    Ekengren, Magnus
    Stockholm University.
    Time and European Governance: The Empirical Value of Three Reflective Approaches1999Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 35.
    Ekström, Linda
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Jämställdhet – för männens, arbetarklassens och effektivitetens skull?: En diskursiv policystudie av jämställdhetsarbete i maskulina miljöer2012Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Issues concerning gender equality are today an integral part of Swedish society. Because of this, even traditionally male-dominated actors are forced to incorporate a focus on gender equality. What kind of tensions may this provoke, and how are these tensions visible in the gender equality policy making of traditionally male-dominated organizations? Against this background, the aim of this dissertation is to analyse how issues of gender equality are “problematized” by three organizations that originate from masculine environments; Män för jämställdhet, IF Metall  and Rikpolisstyrelsen. I wish to analyse the meaning that these actors incorporate into the issue of gender equality and from which discourses these meanings are derived. This focus entails a specific theoretical standpoint. Thus, another aim of the study is to discuss the advantages of a post-structuralist approach to the study of public policy. More specifically, I want to develop the use of a range of discourse analytical modes of analysis and to evaluate their utility in capturing the dynamic of problematization processes.

    The empirical focus of the dissertation is on the years between 2000 and 2008. The research material consists of both formal and informal documents.

    The analysis shows that questions of gender equality can be problematized in a number of ways. Issues concerning gender equality can be tied to issues of men’s hegemony, men’s gender-specific problems, class-based problems and organizational problems. This wide array of problematizations also illustrates ways in which there still seems to be an underlying conflict over the meanings tied to the concept, even though nobody openly challenges the importance of gender equality reform efforts. I call this situation a “conflictual consensus” and point to the importance of deconstructing this supposed unity and illuminating the kind of power relations that lay hidden beneath it.

  • 36.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Security Policy Reorientation in Peripheral Europe: A Perspectivist Approach 2001Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 37.
    Enroth, Henrik
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Political Science and the Concept of Politics: A Twentieth-Century Genealogy2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation is a historical investigation of the concept of politics in twentieth-century political science. It is set against the backdrop of the comprehensive rethinking of political concepts we are witnessing today in debates about forces like globalization, individualization, multiculturalism, and postcolonialism, and it seeks to account for the apparent difficulties in rethinking politics in similar terms today. Whereas core concepts like people, nation, state, society, and a host of related concepts have recently been reconsidered in light of these forces in the world, the concept of politics seems resistant to such rethinking, instead causing considerable uncertainty about the conceptual identity of politics and, by implication, about the disciplinary identity of political science in a changing world. The dissertation argues that this is largely because modern political thought has long rested on the assumption that politics is only possible and conceivable on the basis of something prior to itself, while all the entities politics has conventionally been thought to be prior to are today in question. Against this contemporary backdrop, the dissertation investigates historically how conceptualizations of politics in twentieth-century political science have consistently both sustained and been sustained by this assumption, by being premised on various descriptions of modern society. Tracing a number of such descriptions of society and related conceptualizations of politics from the early years of the twentieth century to our own day, the dissertation concludes by reconsidering the apparent difficulties in rethinking politics today. Arguing that such a rethinking would mean transcending the assumption that politics is only possible and conceivable on the basis of something prior to itself, the dissertation ends by briefly outlining what would be involved in such a rethinking, and what it would entail for the conceptual identity of politics and the disciplinary identity of political science.

  • 38.
    Enzell, Magnus
    Stockholm University.
    Requiem for a constitution: constitutionalism and political culture in early 20th century Sweden2002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 39.
    Eriksson, Arita
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Europeanization and Governance in Defence Policy: The Example of Sweden2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis explores the Swedish Europeanization process with respect to defence policy with the help of analytical tools from policy analysis. The time period studied is 1999–2004. Europeanization is defined as embeddedness, that is, linkages between the national and the European policy processes, and these linkages are conceptualized as participation, problems and solutions. The thesis seeks to analyse the modes of governance that characterizes the Europeanization process and discusses its results in relation to Europeanization mechanisms and the concept of European governance. It also elaborates on the implications of Europeanization for Swedish defence policy.

    Europeanization of participation is found with respect to a number of forums—decision making, implementation and external relations. Participants in the Europeanization process are identified as well as a reorganization of some of the patterns of participation in the Swedish defence policy process. The Europeanization of problems found is at first focused more on security policy issues than defence policy issues, but gradually the latter also become Europeanized, a process which is made visible in the political language of the defence policy bills studied. The main solutions identified in the Europeanization process are the creation of an EU military capability, the establishment of decision-making structures, capability requirements and capability development.

    The Europeanization process in the area of defence policy is found to be characterized by a mix of modes of governance. Various parts of the process contain elements of bargaining, hierarchy and facilitated coordination. The modes of governance may co-exist and change over time.

  • 40.
    Erlandsson, Magnus
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Striderna i Rosenbad: Om trettio års försök att förändra Regeringskansliet2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation examines the last thirty years of internal reforms in the Swedish Government Offices. Analysis of the evolution of personnel politics, the formation of one agency and the attempts to introduce a collective activity planning model, show that the immediate problems of the early 1970’s – an over dimensioned staff, territory battles and unclear division of responsibility for personnel and organisation – remains to this day, notwithstanding the many reforms to approach them. One principal explanation behind this is that the key players for successful reorganisations – the politicians – do hardly ever partake. Instead, and on the basis of the perspective of bureaucratic politics, this dissertation demonstrates that the internal development of the Government Offices should be explained as the result of struggles between different bureaucratic actors, with diverse views on problems and their solutions, and with various prospects and strengths to affect the outcome. Due to the choice of politicians to leave this policy field open to bureaucratic politics, the policy is essentially shaped and decided within a bureaucratic context. The dissertation ends in a conclusion that there is an almost constant bureaucratic battle behind internal organisation of the Government Offices, a conflict where tradition, values and strong bureaucratic actors play an important part, and where institutional change is exceptional, since the preserving powers in these processes have the upper hand. But politicians can change – in spite of these traditions, values and bureaucratic agents – if they have the determination. The theoretical aim of this dissertation, through a critical assessment of the bureaucratic politics perspective – an evaluation motivated by the empirical data and inspired by two challenging and related theoretic models; sociological and historical institutionalism – is to display the qualities and shortcomings of the bureaucratic politics model, to develop and improve the original model of bureaucratic politics, and making it more expedient for future studies of institutional change in central political organisations.

  • 41.
    Erman, Eva
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Action and Institution: Contributions to a discourse theory of human rights2003Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In the theoretical rights discourse rights are commonly analyzed in terms of two themes,negative and positive rights, on the one hand, and individual and collective rights, on theother. We witness similar themes in the empirical rights discussion held by the UnitedNations’ Commission on Human Rights (the CHR). There is a tendency in both the theoreticaland empirical rights discourse of not including one kind of rights, namely, political rights.Political rights are either not mentioned at all or only in terms of negative rights, that is, asrights we are assigned through a ballot-paper.The purpose of this thesis is to problematize the absence of political rights in the humanrights discourse from a deliberative perspective. The thesis takes part in the debate of how tounderstand and legitimize human rights, one presumption being that if we cannot define orjustify any natural rights another possible way to go is to start out from a substantive actionrelatednotion of political rights and a problematization of the relationship between politicalrights and other rights. More specifically, the aim of the thesis is to make a contribution to adiscourse theory of human rights and apply it to a global rights institution, the CHR, bystarting out from and at the same time criticizing Jürgen Habermas’ discourse theory of lawand democracy.A discourse theory of human rights links democratic processes with rights and opens thedoor for new ways of defining traditional democratic concepts such as representation andparticipation. Facing one of the most urgent problems on the international political arena, i.e.,how to democratize the United Nations, this thesis is a contribution, albeit a small one, to howthis could be done, viz. by finding ways to make the international human rights discoursemore legitimate than it would otherwise have been.

  • 42.
    Eto, Mikiko
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Women and Politics in Japan: A Combined Analysis of Representation and Participation2013Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Notwithstanding the country’s socio-economic advancement, Japanese women’s presence in politics lags far behind many less developed countries. They are politically silent as their demands hardly reach the centre of political decision-making. The purpose of this compilation thesis is to find answers to the following questions: why Japanese women’s political status remains low; how they tackle their under-representation; and what difficulties they face in their struggles for political involvement. Focusing both on their presence in legislatures and on their participatory activities within civil society, the thesis attempts to elucidate what impedes Japanese women from entering politics and the obstacles to their political activities. Specifically, the thesis attaches importance to the interplay between women’s representation and feminist movements; that is, women’s collective efforts to demand more women representatives are necessary to significantly improve their representation. The Japanese case demonstrates the inharmonious interplay between these two facets. It sheds light on a negative example, which illustrates that having only lukewarm women’s movements calling for more women representatives contributes to women’s on-going under-representation, which, in turn, discourages women from becoming more involved in these activities. Women’s representation plays a symbolic and substantive role in developing democracy. In other words, with a well-functioning democracy, all members of the political community share power equally. Throughout this compilation, it is suggested that the vicious cycle of under-representation and lukewarm feminist activism is not only detrimental to Japanese women but it also impedes Japanese democracy from progressing further. The thesis is composed of six parts. The first part, as the introduction, aims to give a theoretical framework to the thesis, theorizing the interplay between electoral representation and participatory activities and putting forward my approach in the thesis. The subsequent parts comprise five previously published articles. Although each article has been published separately in different journals, each of them includes Japanese case studies, as well as general perspectives.

  • 43.
    Fonseca, Max
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Your Treatment, My Treat?: On Lifestyle-Related Ill Health and Reasonable Responsibilitarianism2019Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    How should the costs of unhealthy lifestyles be distributed between individual citizens and the state? This study approaches this question by investigating the justifiability of the responsibilitarian idea that people who are responsible for their lifestyle-choices should also be held responsible for the costs that these lifestyle-choices generate.

    Two main conclusions come out of this investigation. The first is that the basic justification of responsibilitarian health policies can be found in what is called the Civic Blame approach to responsibilitarianism. This approach builds upon a moralized conception of responsibility, accountability responsibility. On this conception, the moral quality of contemporary imprudent people’s behaviour is the essential starting point for establishing that they ‘are responsible’. Consequently, what justifies responsibilitarian health policies on this approach is not that imprudent people cause their own ill health or that they exercise sufficient control over their lifestyle-choices, but that they breach reciprocity-based civic obligations through their health-risking behaviour.

    The second conclusion is that the emphasis on fairness of blame/differential treatment inherent in the Civic Blame approach imposes two important justificatory constraints. The first is that the response to the breaches of civic obligations must be properly proportional and context-sensitive in order to be fair. This constraint can most likely be handled however, since a response of the right kind can be found by holding imprudent people responsible via Sin-Taxes (rather than via harsher policies). More problematic for responsibilitarians is the second constraint: to show that contemporary imprudent people’s behaviour is morally problematic to begin with, and, thereby, to show that contemporary prudent people’s reactive attitudes to health-risking behaviour are fair.

    Thus, although the Civic Blame approach outlined in the study provides the basic theoretical building blocks for the justification of responsibilitarian health policies, this approach also provides the tools for critically questioning the justifiability of contemporary health policies of responsibilitarian kind.

  • 44.
    Gavelin, Karin
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science. Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola.
    The Terms of Involvement: A study of attempts to reform civil society's role in public decision making in Sweden​2018Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    For the better part of a century, a distinguishing feature of the Swedish democratic model has been the close relationship between organised interests and public decision makers. Yet the first decade of the twenty-first century saw a number of attempts to reform Swedish civil society’s role in decision making, purportedly to make involvement activities more inclusive, reciprocal, flexible and consequential. The aim of this thesis is to describe and understand the motivations behind and the meaning of these reform attempts. Using an interpretive research design, and drawing on constructivist institutionalist perspectives on organisational change, the study asks questions about what has driven the attempted reform, how affected actors have interpreted its meaning and consequences, and how its framing and outcomes have been affected by the fact that it was devised and implemented both in traditional organisations and in networks consisting of local and national actors from civil society and the public sector. The thesis constitutes a contribution to the constructivist institutionalist literature concerned with the micro-foundations of organisational behaviour and to the governance research literature, to which it contributes empirical insights about how governance reforms have been interpreted and rationalised in Sweden.

  • 45.
    Gottardis, Andreas
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Reason and Utopia: Reconsidering the Concept of Emancipation in Critical Theory2014Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    What does emancipation mean today? In political theory, the idea of emancipation has typically been understood as a process of rationalization involving the promotion of human rights or the historical overcoming of capitalism. However, in contemporary social criticism the earlier antagonism between liberalism and Marxism has largely been replaced by the conflict between Enlightenment thinking and Enlightenment critique. The tension between Enlightenment philosophy and Enlightenment skepticism can be taken as emblematic of the two main tendencies within contemporary critical thought. However, a similar ambivalence can be found in the classical critical theory of the so-called Frankfurt School. Given that we have to distinguish between two types of critical theoretical thought, is it even possible to answer the question about emancipation in an unambiguous way? The overall aim of this study is to examine the meaning of emancipation in contemporary critical thought. More specifically, the principal aim is to demonstrate that Jürgen Habermas’s critical theory can be understood as an attempt to overcome the opposition between the early and the late Frankfurt School in order subsequently to evaluate this attempt and thereby judge whether Habermas’s approach can serve as a key for combining the concepts of emancipation corresponding to these two types of critique. My main objection to Habermas’s reformulation of critical theory is that it is characterized by a lack of emancipatory potential and a lack of critical force. In trying to pave the way for an alternative approach, my strategy for accommodating the tensions between the two models of critical theory is to show that emancipation can be viewed as a process involving three disparate yet interconnected stages: an initial break in the continuity of history; a collective political struggle in order to realize the utopian vision thereby opened up; and, a possible understanding among the participants in a discourse.

  • 46.
    Gröjer, Anette
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Den utvärdera(n)de staten: Utvärderingens institutionalisering på den högre utbildningens område2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent years evaluation has become a very important element in the public administration. The Swedish state administration to a significant extent both evaluates and is evaluated. This means that the evaluating state is at the same time the evaluated state. In this dissertation the institutionalization of evaluation is studied in a field within which this development has been particularly lively and interesting, namely the field of higher education. The dissertation focuses on evaluation activity that has been carried out in conjunction with central public authorities within higher education: the Office of the Chancellor of the Universities and Colleges in Sweden, the National Swedish Board of Universities and Colleges, and the Office of the University Chancellor, and encompasses the period 1964-1995.

    A newly revived research tradition within political science – historical institutionalism – is used as a perspective and a methodology. Since the application of this tradition has not yet been fully tested, another purpose is to examine the practical utility of this analytical tool and the kind of knowledge that it produces. The dissertation thereby combines the fields of education policy, evaluation research and institutional theory.

    The beginning of the institution has been dated to the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s. In the dissertation the forces behind the initiation of the institution are taken up. Events and developments in the field that have influenced the further development of the institution have been identified and analyzed. Developments reveal that the institution has been stable during the entire period of time under study, despite some changes.

    The use of historical institutionalism as a perspective and methodology has proven satisfactory on a general level. However, special solutions have been required as problems and ambiguities have arisen. The dissertation concludes with reflections on the practical utility of historical institutionalism in political science research.

  • 47.
    Gustafsson, Anneli
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Riksdagsdebatt iscensatt: Ett feministiskt teatralt perspektiv på subjektskonstruerande makt i det demokratiska samtalet2018Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation studies power and the production of the democratic subject in the context of democratic debate. It is important to understand the role of power in democratic debate. Even more important is to understand how power underpins the construction of the democratic subject in this context. Is it possible for just anybody to be a convincing democratic subject? Or does democratic debate assume a particular kind of body – a democratic “super-body”? This thesis argues that in order to answer such questions it is not sufficient to study the intellectual and verbal aspects of democratic debate. The situation needs to be examined in its material enactment. Since previous research does not offer a coherent way of analysing how power underpins the material construction of the democratic subject, this dissertation develops such an analytical perspective, which it terms a feminist theatrical perspective. The perspective is “theatrical” because it studies democratic debate as intra-active enactment, which assumes stage, costume and stage direction. The perspective is inspired by Foucault and Butler as well as by feminist performance, architectural and design research. The feminist theatrical perspective, and the methodological framework that it offers, constitutes the main contribution of the thesis. The dissertation focuses on democratic debate in the specific form of the parliamentary debate. It identifies three key parliamentary ideals about democratic debate that are materially enacted as ”dramas” during the debate: the idea that democratic debate is built on equality, that it is important as representing the people, and that it is importantly rendered in combative struggle. Empirically, the thesis is based on an ethnographic field-study of the Riksdag, the Swedish parliament, conducted in 2008/2009, and an in-depth study of two debates between party leaders that took place in the Riksdag in 2010. The main finding is that power is necessarily ambivalent in the production of the democratic subject in this context. The thesis identifies frameworks for how the democratic subject should move, behave, sound and look. However, these frameworks are contradictory. No actual physical body could, as a “super-body”, fully correspond to the physical characteristics that are assumed about the democratic subject.

  • 48.
    Gustafsson, Karl
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Narratives and Bilateral Relations: Rethinking the "History Issue" in Sino-Japanese Relations2011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The overarching aim of the thesis is to present a framework that makes possible an understanding of bilateral relations that challenges mainstream International Relations (IR) approaches through a study of the “history issue” in Sino-Japanese relations. A secondary aim is to provide an alternative understanding of this issue. Discussions of the issue are often highly influenced by the objectivism, rationalism, state-centrism and agent-centrism common in mainstream IR theory. This has several consequences, primarily that the focus is chiefly on behaviour and that equal emphasis is rarely put on both contexts. In order to address these consequences, the question of what kinds of narrative, as expressed in museum exhibitions about war in both countries, can be found and which ones dominate is addressed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The narratives, which contain the stories “we” tell about “our” past, are important components in and instantiate the abstract images that are identities, through which people make sense of the world.

    The context-sensitive analysis confirms the constructivist assumption that narratives matter by demonstrating that political actors strongly believe narratives shape people’s minds and act accordingly. It also shows that different narratives are present in both countries. It is suggested that the narratives are closely linked to domestic identity politics. Nonetheless, the depiction of self and other in these has consequences for bilateral relations. This has several implications, for example, that changes in the behaviour of leaders, while they may have a positive impact on relations, are insufficient as solutions to the problems. This has consequences for approaches preoccupied with behaviour. The study contributes to constructivist IR through a close textual analysis of narrative structure that illustrates the significance of labelling and categorizing in identity construction that is easily missed by less fine-grained analyses.

  • 49.
    Gustafsson, Maria-Therese
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    Beyond Conflict and Conciliation: The Implications of different forms of Corporate-Community Relations in the Peruvian Mining Industry2015Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In Peru, the rapid expansion of extractive activities has led to increased mobilization by peasant communities. In remote rural areas, the mediating efforts of the state between communities and corporations are often weak, and corporations have played an important role in dealing with communities’ demands and protests through different strategies. These processes are illustrative of a broader trend in which private corporations engage in governance processes by assuming state-like functions in relation to citizens. This study investigates how communities’ mobilization and scope of influence is affected by their interactions with corporations. Based on interviews and written primary sources, the study provides a detailed empirical account of the multifaceted relations and negotiations between corporations and communities in the context of two macro-economically significant Peruvian mining projects – Rio Blanco and Las Bambas. In this way, the study contributes to the empirical and theoretical debates on the political role of corporations and the implications for social movements and democratic influence.

    The study shows that the presence of private corporations alters the conditions for mobilization by creating opportunities as well as constraints, with significant impact on mobilization structures and framing of demands. However, communities relate to those opportunities and constraints differently, depending on how state-society relations and other forms of private dynamics have played out historically at the subnational level.

  • 50.
    Hafsteinsdóttir, Elín
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science.
    The Art of Making Democratic Trouble: Four Art Events and Radical Democratic Theory2015Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Heated debates and strong emotions occasionally arise in the public sphere in the wake of an art object. The interaction that follows becomes part of what we as citizens share in a democracy, with its particular conditions of political speech and democratic exchange. By studying four art events – that is, public contestations regarding art objects – formations of democratic and political subjectivities are highlighted, as well as the constitution of political speech. The analysis tracks the space of conflict that arises in the four chosen art events. The theoretical framework consists of poststructuralist conceptualizations of radical democracy, mainly those associated with Chantal Mouffe, Aletta Norval, and Jacques Rancière.

    In the analysis of the democratic and political work that takes place in the art events, a distinction is made between political and democratic dimensions. The political dimensions emphasize processes of politicization and depoliticization, as well as the formation of political subjects and voices. The democratic dimensions foreground the conditions of the exchange and identifications within a certain democratic order or community.

    Four events have been selected for the analysis, two from the Netherlands and two from Sweden. The events all occur within a relatively short time period: 2006, 2008 and 2009, 2012, respectively. The studied empirical material is broad and includes for example printed media, television, radio, social media, and political documents. The reading of the material starts with a set of questions that correspond to the distinction between the political and democratic dimensions. However, the uniqueness of each event is reflected by different theoretical emphasis in the analysis. A Dutch art project by Petra Bauer and Annette Krauss sheds light on processes of engaging democratically and exclusions regarding who has the right to take part in the public debate. Issues of voice and legitimacy are highlighted in the event involving the Swedish artist Anna Odell. Intelligibility, conditions of representation and possibilities of assuming a certain subject position are in focus in the analysis of the debate surrounding a cake performance by the Swedish artist Makode Linde. The study of the discussion spurred by Jikke van Loon’s monument in honour of Anton de Kom, emphasizes how memory and silence operate in a postcolonial context to influence the possibility of being heard.

    The analysis of the four art events reveals the complexity and conflictual nature of the conditions of political and democratic subjectivities and speech. The events suggest that, within radical democratic theory, we need to engage more depth with the relational dimension. Only by including the interaction that occurs can we understand the conditions and boundaries of speaking politically and the construction of legitimate political and democratic subjects. In the events, articulations of different subjectivities depend on their reception in an often complicated way that is enmeshed in a struggle over whether statements and demands constitute speech or noise. Furthermore, the strong emotions in the events can be understood as part of certain investments in a hegemonic order, and the threats of violence highlight the challenges of antagonism present in any order.

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