This paper examines the impact of renovations in the rental sector on tenants’ relocation patterns in Sweden between 1995 and 2019. The study’s aim is to explore and analyse individuals’ likelihood of relocation surrounding the years of renovation. We use register data to address the two questions: Are low-income households more prone to relocate when their building undergoes renovation? Are tenants in the private rental sector more likely to relocate during renovations? The findings indicate that tenants tend to relocate around the time of a renovation. However, it is not low-income individuals who tend to relocate; rather, they remain in place, which may indicate displacement lock-in, in which disadvantaged households are unable to relocate due to housing shortages and limited opportunities. The study also reveals that tenants in the private rental sector are more likely to relocate than those in the public rental sector, possibly reflecting different renovation strategies employed by these actors. Overall, the study contributes to the discussion on whether renovations lead to renoviction and displacement within a Swedish context.

The aim of this study is to investigate in what ways the spatial context matters for the life course trajectory status in terms of vulnerability. In particular, it explores the impacts of spatial contexts aggregated from life course trajectories. It uses a longitudinal micro-dataset, 1990–2019 from Statistics Sweden, to analyze the relationship between geographical context constructed by aggregated life course trajectories, and individual life course trajectories. A latent class analysis (LCA) is employed to identify life courses and examines how these trajectories are influenced by individualized neighborhoods. The findings show that spatial context plays a significant role in shaping individuals' life course trajectories of vulnerability: (1) being in any sort of trajectory of vulnerability, (2) four transitional categories of vulnerability. Residing in a context of Families in distress was associated with higher odds of experiencing vulnerability. Other factors such as country of birth, gender, earlier vulnerability also impact life course trajectory status. This study contributes to answering the question if poor neighborhoods make their residents poorer, posed by Jürgen Friedrichs in the late 1990s. The study goes beyond merely measuring cross-sectional single variable residential segregation patterns as context, offering valuable insights into consequences, supporting planning for geographic equality of opportunity.

This article examines the meaning of local contexts in the formation of young adults’ life trajectories and horizons of opportunities in southern Stockholm. Our investigation draws on latent class analysis (LCA) of people aged 25–59 years, which reveals typical latent life courses among the individuals. The local setting mapped with typical life courses is interpreted as an indication of habitus, further examined in interviews with young adults 17 to 19 years old and about to finish upper secondary school who actively consider different life plans. By combining Bourdieu's and Wacquant's social theories with Massey's conceptualization of space and place, our analysis illuminates four spatial processes of habitus formation: (1) broader social structures, where southern Stockholm is polarized in accordance with affluence and vulnerability; (2) symbolic images and perceptions that make school locations attractive or invisible; (3) young adults’ meetings and non-meetings-up that take place within and in between school, home and leisure activities; and (4) the different ‘layers’ of local settings, where social networks are interlinked differently to national organizations and institutions and provide young people with different horizons of opportunity. The combination of theories facilitates a mixed-methods approach that contributes to neighbourhood studies by uncovering multiple ways ‘place’ is embedded in the formation of trajectories.

There are few reasons to believe that social segregation is restricted to the working age population. Still, attempts to analyse social segregation among old age individuals have been lacking. The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to explore the extent to which old age individuals who follow different sociodemographic trajectories are geographically segregated. We analyse residential segregation among older age adults, based on an identification of typical sociodemographic life courses in longitudinal, geo-coded, register data for three life phases: young old, 65-79 years, middle old, 75-89 years and, oldest old, 85-99 years. The results show great life-course heterogeneity in these age groups. In each life phase, we distinguish seven different trajectory types that also display distinct geographical patterns. The first group of trajectories is characterized by a high proportion of married individuals with high income concentrated in suburban, single-family housing areas. The second group consists of trajectories with many widows/widowers in small-scale, apartment areas. The third group consists of singleton trajectories in metropolitan areas. The fourth group is overrepresented in low-income areas and consists of trajectories including individuals of nonsurvival in the life phase. The fifth group is composed of trajectories with married or widowed low-income individuals in owner-occupied areas mainly found in rural areas. Thus, there is pronounced geographical variation in what type of neighbourhood life old age individuals live. This indicates that social segregation in the old age population deserves to be given more attention in geographical research.

Studies of neighbourhood effects typically measure the neighbourhood context at one specific spatial scale. It is increasingly acknowledged, however, that the mechanisms through which the residential context affects individual outcomes may operate at different spatial scales, ranging from the very immediate environment to the metropolitan region. We take a multi-scale approach to investigate the extent to which concentrated poverty in adolescence is related to obtained education level and income later in life, by measuring the residential context as bespoke neighbourhoods at five geographical scales that range from areas encompassing the 200 nearest neighbours to areas that include the 200k+ nearest neighbours. We use individual-level geocoded longitudinal register data from Sweden and the Netherlands to follow 15/16-year-olds until they are 30 years old. The findings show that the contextual effects on education are very similar in both countries. Living in a poor area as a teenager is related to a lower obtained educational level when people are in their late 20s. This relationship, however, is stronger for lower spatial scales. We also find effects of contextual poverty on income in both countries. Overall, this effect is stronger in the Netherlands than in Sweden. Partly, this is related to differences in spatial structure. If only individuals in densely populated areas in Sweden are considered, effects on income are similar across the two countries and income effects are more stable across spatial scales. Overall, we find important evidence that the scalar properties of neighbourhood effects differ across life-course outcomes.

In this paper we analyse spatial and temporal variation in the risk of intensive care unit (ICU) admission for COVID-19 in Sweden. The analysis is based on geocoded and time-stamped data from the Swedish Intensive Care Registry (SIR). We merge this data with a classification of Swedish neighbourhood cluster types constructed from multi-scalar measures of socio-economic and country of birth segregation (Kawalerowicz and Malmberg in Multiscalar typology of residential areas in Sweden, 2021 available from https://doi.org/10.17045/sthlmuni.14753826.v1). We examine 1) if residence in more socio-economically deprived or diverse neighbourhood cluster types was associated with a higher risk of ICU admission for COVID-19, 2) if residence in more affluent neighbourhoods was associated with a lower risk of ICU admission for COVID-19, and 3) how these patterns changed over time during the three first waves of the pandemic. While the highest overall risk was associated with residence in urban disadvantage coupled with diversity, models where neighbourhood cluster types were interacted with waves reveal that the highest risk was associated with living in a neighbourhood cluster type characterised by rural town disadvantage coupled with diversity under the 3rd wave (February 2021–June 2021). Residence in such a neighbourhood cluster type was associated with a four times higher risk of ICU admission, compared to the reference category of living in a homogeneous rural neighbourhood cluster type with average levels of deprivation under wave 1. Looking at disparities within each wave we found that residence in most affluent urban areas was at first associated with a slightly higher risk of ICU admission for COVID-19 as compared with the reference category of living in a homogeneous rural neighbourhood cluster type, but under waves 2 and 3 this risk was no longer statistically significant. The largest inequalities between different neighbourhood cluster types could be seen during the 1st wave. Over time, the risks converged between different neighbourhood cluster types.

This article explores typical life-course trajectories based on annual observations of educational participation, employment, and establishing a family from age sixteen to age thirty. Using latent class analysis, we identify seven different trajectory classes that capture the different life courses experienced by individuals born in 1986. Examples of trajectory classes are (1) an early partner and childbearing trajectory; (2) a trajectory that mixes employment and a long postsecondary education into the later twenties; and (3) a trajectory involving low activity, very little employment, very little postsecondary education, and not starting a family. The classes identified correspond closely to trajectories found in earlier qualitative studies using life-history interviews, but in contrast to these studies that each encompass a few dozen individuals or less, our approach identifies trajectories for the individuals of an entire birth cohort. This allows for analysis of the geographical distribution of trajectories across regions, municipality types, and neighborhoods. Individuals following long postsecondary education trajectories were heavily concentrated in metropolitan areas and university towns. At the same age, individuals following early childbearing trajectories were concentrated instead in peripheral, rural areas. Individuals from nonmetropolitan areas also tend to follow more gender-polarized trajectories. Moreover, we find that there is more trajectory-based segregation at age thirty than at age fifteen. Theoretically, our study gives support to the idea that places are structured on the basis of life-course trajectories. Local context influences how individuals are linked into different trajectories and, at the same time, the spatial sorting of trajectories will shape local contexts. 

基于对16至30岁群体的教育、就业和组建家庭的年际观察, 本文探索了典型人生轨迹。通过潜在类型分析, 我们确定七个类型的轨迹, 记录了1986年出生群体的不同生活历程。轨迹类型包括：（1）早期伴侣和生育轨迹；（2）20至29岁后期的就业和长期大学教育轨迹；（3）低活力、非常少的就业、非常低的大学教育水平、未组建家庭。这些类型, 与基于生活史采访的早期定性研究确定的轨迹, 密切对应。但是, 与数十人或更少的研究相比, 我们确定了整个同龄群体的个人轨迹。这使得我们能分析跨区域、跨城市类型和跨社区的轨迹地理分布。拥有长期大学教育轨迹的个人, 主要集中在大都市和大学城。在同一年龄段, 拥有早期生育轨迹的个人, 集中在周边农村地区。来自非大都市地区的个人轨迹, 在性别上更加极化。此外, 30岁比15岁有更高的轨迹隔离程度。从理论上讲, 我们的研究支持了这样一种观点：场所的构建是基于生活历程轨迹。局部环境影响了个人如何关联到不同的轨迹。同时, 轨迹的空间排序能塑造局部环境。 

Este artículo explora las trayectorias típicas del curso de la vida basadas en observaciones anuales de la participación educativa, el empleo y el establecimiento de una familia desde los dieciséis hasta los treinta años. Usando el análisis de clases latentes, identificamos siete diferentes clases de trayectorias que captan los diferentes cursos de la vida experimentados por los individuos nacidos en 1986. Ejemplos de clases de trayectorias son (1) una trayectoria de pareja y maternidad temprana; (2) una trayectoria que mezcla el empleo con una larga educación postsecundaria hasta finales de los veinte; y (3) una trayectoria en la que se incluye poca actividad, muy poco empleo, muy poca educación postsecundaria y la ausencia de formar una familia. Las clases identificadas corresponden estrechamente con las trayectorias halladas en estudios cualitativos anteriores que aplicaron entrevistas relacionadas con historias de vida, pero en contraste con estos estudios, cada uno de los cuales abarca unas pocas docenas de individuos o menos, nuestro enfoque identifica trayectorias de los individuos de toda una cohorte de nacimientos. Esto permite el análisis de la distribución geográfica de las trayectorias a través de las regiones, tipos de municipalidades y vecindarios. Los individuos que discurrieron largas trayectorias de educación postsecundaria aparecieron altamente concentrados en áreas metropolitanas y ciudades universitarias. Con la misma edad, los individuos que siguieron trayectorias de maternidad temprana se concentraron, por el contrario, en áreas periféricas y rurales. Los individuos de áreas no metropolitanas registraron también trayectorias más polarizadas por género. Aún más, encontramos que hay una mayor tendencia a la trayectoria basada en segregación a la edad de treinta que a la de quince años. Teóricamente, nuestro estudio proporciona soporte a la idea de que los lugares se estructuran con base en las trayectorias vitales. El contexto local influye el modo como los individuos se vinculan a diferentes trayectorias y, al mismo tiempo, la ordenación espacial de las trayectorias configura los contextos locales. 

It can be argued that a society is never better than how Individuals on its social and spatial fringes are faring. This motivates the purpose of this paper, which is to study how vulnerable groups can be identified, defined and explored in a spatial perspective using latent class analysis (LCA) on the whole Swedish population. We use space to refine meanings of vulnerability in individuals and groups, by contextualizing their vulnerability. This knowledge is fundamental for creating equal living conditions and for promoting the social cohesion needed for socially sustainable societies. Thus, equality and spatial integration are basic ideas in welfare policy but in recent years, the idea of integration has met various challenges with new population groups, rural–urban polarization, and disadvantaged housing areas. Using register data, we here identified life course trajectories associated with vulnerability, applying LCA to the total Swedish population aged 25 to 59 years. We identified latent classes of life courses, and detected and explored some classes with more vulnerability than others. The spatial patterns of vulnerable individuals were analysed using individualized neighbourhoods including the proportion of closest neighbours belonging to a latent class. A second LCA of vulnerable individuals refined the findings into different types of distress; extra distressed life courses were found in the metropolitan areas in Million program areas in urban outskirts, and other distressed life courses were more often found in unattractive (low housing price) rural areas, rural fringes. 

Individuals tend to be most mobile when they are between 20 and 40 years of age. This pattern is relatively stable across regions and over time. For geographical mobility, less is known about their transitions between different types of housing and tenure forms. In Sweden, households may select between, principally, three different types of tenure forms, each often coupled with a specific housing type. Households may rent from either public companies (municipality owned) or private landlords in multifamily dwellings, households may own their single-family house privately, or they can cooperatively own a multifamily house as a tenant-owner in an apartment. Yet we lack knowledge of which tenure trajectories individuals tend to follow during their most mobile years, and we also lack knowledge about which factors determine tenure trajectories. Our sample consist of individuals who in 1995 were aged 18–25 and who left their parental house between 1994 and 1995. This study tracks their tenure trajectories for 21 consecutive years starting in 1995 until 2015. The cohorts in our sample were the first who encountered the conditions on the deregulated housing market that are still in place in Sweden today. We followed these cohorts until they were between 39 and 46 years old and used sequence analysis to classify tenure trajectories. One result that stands out is the outstanding and increasing emphasis on home ownership in our sample, quite unlike the traditional picture of the Swedish housing market. Additionally, we found that resources in a broad sense and spatial context have a great impact on the type of trajectory individuals follow.

We examine the 'overlap' or to which degree tenure form patterns are similar to socio-economic segregation patterns. The issue has been discussed concerning mixing policies; does mixing of tenure hinder socio-economic segregation? If mixing tenure is to be an effective policy against segregation, the overlap has to be understood. Using Swedish register data, we cross tenure-type landscapes with patterns of high/mixed/low-income and with European/non-European/Swedish-born. To what degree is there overlap among tenure, income and country of birth? Is the overlap related to geographical scale and polarization? Is the overlap of tenure forms with socio-economic characteristics consistent across regions? We find strong overlap of large-scale cooperative tenure landscapes with very high incomes as well as with Swedish-born. Small-scale tenure-landscapes provide mixing opportunities for incomes wherever they are located; however, these landscapes have a small non-Swedish-born population nearby. Some tenure-type landscapes vary in characteristics depending on location; e.g. public rental concentrated areas are high-income in urban cores but low-income in urban peripheries.